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^ubltcattons of tfjc prince i^octetp. 




Publications of ti)e prince g>ocietp. 

Ertabliflied May 25th, 1858. 





By John Wilson and Son. 















Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by 

The Prince Society, 
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

lEtutor : 



Preface v-vi 

Thomas Morton of Merry-Mount 1-98 

Bibliography of New English Canaan 99 -I °5 

New English Canaan 106-345 

Book I. The Origin of the Natives ; their Manners and 

Cufloms 115-78 

Book II. A Defcription of the Beauty of the Country . . 179-242 

Book III. A Defcription of the People 243-345 

Table of Contents of the New English Canaan .... 347-9 

Officers of the Prince Society 353 

The Prince Society, 1883 354-8 

Publications of the Prince Society 359 

Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society .... 360 

Index 361-81 


EFORE undertaking the prefent work I had no expe- 
rience as an editor. It is unneceffary for me to fay, 
therefore, that, were I now to undertake it, I fliould 
purfue a fomewhat different courfe from that which 
I have purfued. The New Englifli Canaan is, in many 
refpects, a lingular book. One of its moft fingular features is the 
extent of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obfcure refer- 
ences to incidents in early New England hiftory, but it deals directly 
with the aborigines, the trees, animals, fifh, birds and geology of 
the region ; befides having conftant incidental allufions to literature, 
— both claffic and of the author's time, — to geography, and to then 
current events. No one perfon can poffefs the knowledge neceffary 
to thoroughly cover fo large a field. To edit properly he muft have 
recourfe to fpecialifts. 

It was only as the labor of inveftigation increafed on my hands 
that I realized what a wealth of fcientific and fpecial knowledge was 
to be reached, in the neighborhood of Bofton, by any one engaged in 
fuch multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I mould 
confine my own labors chiefly to correfpondence ; for on every point 
which comes up there is fome one now in this vicinity, if he can only 
be found out, who has made a ftudy of it, and has more information 

than the moft laborious and fkilful of editors can acquire. 


vi Preface. 

In this edition of the New Canaan I have not laid fo many of 
thefe fpecialifts as I now wifh, under requifition ; and yet the lift is 
a tolerably extenfive one. In every cafe, alfo, the affiftance alked for 
has been rendered as of courfe, in the true fcientific fpirit. My cor- 
refpondence has included Meffrs. Deane, Winfor and Ellis on events 
in early New England hiftory ; Profeffor Whitney on geographical 
allufions ; Profeffors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T. 
W. Higginfon, on references to the Greek and Latin claffics, or quo- 
tations from them ; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allufions. 
Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries 
old, and Mr. Lindfay Swift has explained archaic expreffions, to the 
meaning of which I could get no clew. On the fubje6t of trees and 
herbs I called on Profeffors Gray and Sargent ; in regard to birds, 
Mr. William Brewfter was indefatigable ; Mr. Allen, though in very 
poor health, took the chapter on animals ; Profeffor Shaler difpofed 
of the geology ; Meffrs. Agafliz and Lyman inftructed me as to filh, 
and Profeffor Putnam as to ihell-heaps. I met fome allufions to 
early French and other explorers, and naturally had recourfe to 
Meffrs. Parkman and Slafter ; while in regard to Indian words and 
names, I have been in conftant correfpondence with the one author- 
ity, Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fulleft 
extent the public obligation which a maftery of a fpecial fubjecl: 
impofes on him who mafters it. 

In clofing a pleafant editorial tafk, my chief regret, therefore, is 
that the notes in this volume contain fo much matter of my own. 
They mould have been even more eclectic than they are, and each 
from the higheft poffible authority on the fubjecl; to which it 

C. F. A., Jr. 

Ouincy, Mass., April 4, 1883. 


N the fecond book of his hiflory of Plymouth 
Plantation, Governor Bradford, while dealing 
with the events of the year 1628 though writing 
at a dill later period, fays : — 

" Aboute fome three or four years before this time, ther came over one 
Captaine Wolaflone (a man of pretie parts) , and with him three or four more 
of fome eminencie, who brought with them a great many fervants, with pro- 
vifions and other implaments for to begine a plantation ; and pitched them- 
felves in a place within the Maffachufets, which they called, after their 
Captains name, Mount-Wollafton. Amongft whom was one Mr. Morton, 
who, it fhould feeme, had fome fmall adventure (of his owne or other mens) 
amongft them." x 

There is no other known record of Wollafton than that 
contained in this paffage of Bradford. 2 His given name 


thirty men and near all ftarved," whom 
Smith encountered in 1615, while a cap- 
tive in the hands of the French free- 
booters. Though it has found a place 
in biographical dictionaries on account 
of two eminent men of one family from 
Staffordfhire who bore it, the name of 


1 Bradford, pp. 235-6. 

2 A Captain Wollifton is mentioned 
by Smith (Defcription of New England, 
III. Mafs. Ffift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as 
the lieutenant of "one Captain Barra, 
an Englifh pirate, in a fmall fhip, with 
fome twelve pieces of ordnance, about 

2 Thomas Morton 

even is not mentioned. It may be furmifed with tolerable 
certainty that he was one of the numerous traders, generally 
from Briftol or the Weft of England, who frequented the 
hilling grounds and the adjacent American coaft during the 
early years of the feventeenth century. Nothing is actually 
known of him, however, until in 1625 he appeared in Maffa- 
chufetts Bay, as Bofton Harbor was then called, at the head 
of the expedition which Bradford mentions. 

His purpofe and that of his "companions was to eftablifh 
a plantation and trading-pott in the country of the Mafia- 
chufetts tribe of Indians. It was the third attempt of the 
kind which had been made fince the fettlement at Plym- 
outh, a little more than four years before. The firft of thefe 
attempts had been that of Thomas Wefton at Weffaguffet, 
or Weymouth, in the fummer of 1622. This had refulted 
in a complete failure, the ftory of which is told by Bradford 
and Window, and forms one of the more ftriking pages in 
the annals of early New England. The fecond attempt, 
and that which next preceded Wollafton's, had clofely fol- 
lowed the firft, being made in the fummer of 1623, under 
the immediate direction of the Council for New England. 
At the head of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger 
fon of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Wefton's expedition was a 


Wollafton is rarely met with. It is not Wollifton, therefore, whom Smith fell 

found, for inftance, in the prefent di- in with in 1615 may have been, and 

rectories of either Bofton or New York, probably was, the fame who ten years 

and but twice in that of Philadelphia, later gave his name to the hill on 

It has been given to iflands in both the Quincy Bay. It is not likely that two 

Arctic and the Antarctic oceans, but Captain Wollaftons were fea-adventur- 

the family to which it belonged feems ers at the fame time. That it actually 

to have originated in an inland Englifh was the fame man is, however, matter 

county. (Lower's Patronymica Britan- of pure furmife. 
nica). The Captain, or Lieutenant, 

Of Merry -Mount 3 

mere trading venture, having little connection with anything 
which went before or which came after. That of Gorges, 
however, was fomething more. As will prefently be feen, 
it had a diftincl: political and religious fignificance. 

Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Bofton Bay in 
1623, during what is now the latter part of September. 
They eftablifhed themfelves in the buildings which had 
been occupied by Wefton's people during the previous win- 
ter, and which had been deferted by them a few days lefs 
than fix months before. The fite of thofe buildings cannot 
be definitely fixed. It is fuppofed to have been on Phillips 
Creek, a fmall tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a fhort 
diftance above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made 
to Robert Gorges by the Council for New England, and 
upon which he probably intended to place his party, was on 
the other fide of the bay, covering ten miles of fea-front and 
ftretching thirty miles into the interior. It was fubfe- 
quently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of 
being " loofe and uncertain," but as nearly as can now be 
fixed it covered the fhore between Nahant and the mouth 
of the Charles, and the region back of that as far weft as 
Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the molt thickly 
inhabited portions of the prefent county of Middlefex. 

Reaching New England, however, late in the feafon, 
Gorges's firft anxiety was to fecure fhelter for his party 
againft the impending winter, for the frofts had already 
begun. Fortunately the few favages thereabouts had been 
warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the Weffa- 
guffet buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome fhelter 
to the newcomers. Thefe were people of a very different 


4 Thomas Morton 

clafs from thofe who had preceded them. Among them 
were men of education, and fome of them were married 
and had brought their wives. Their fettlement proved a 
permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next fpring 
returned to England difgufted and difcouraged, taking back 
with him a portion of his followers. Others of them 
went on to Virginia in fearch of a milder climate and a 
more fertile foil. A few, however, remained at Weffa- 
guffet, 1 and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the 
New Canaan" 1 as his neighbors at that place. 

When, therefore, Wollafton failed into the bay in the 
early fummer of 1625, its mores were not wholly unoccu- 
pied. His party confifted of himfelf and fome three or 
four partners, with thirty or more fervants, as they were 
called, or men who had fold their time for a period of years 
to an employer, and who flood in the relation to him of 
apprentice to matter. Rafdall, according to Bradford, was 
the name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would feem to 
have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of 
the New EngliJJi Canaan, was a third. 

Not much more is known of Morton's life prior to his 
coming to America than of Wollafton's. He had certainly 
an education of that fort which was imparted in the fchools 
of the Elizabethan period, for he had a fmattering knowl- 
edge of tlie more familiar Latin authors at leaft, and was fond 
of claffic allufion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the 
Countefs of Lincoln, fays that while in England he was an 
attorney in " the weft countries." 3 He further intimates that 


1 Bradford, p. 154. 8 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 321. 

2 Infra, *44, * 124- 127, *I38. 

Of Merry-Mount. 5 

he had there been implicated in fome foul mifdemeanor, on 
account of which warrants were out againft him. Nathaniel 
Morton in his Memorial 1 fays that the crime thus referred 
to was the killing of a partner concerned with him, Thomas 
Morton, in his firft New England venture. Thomas Wig- 
gin, however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of 
* King Charles's fecretaries for foreign affairs and a member 
of the Privy Council, ftates, upon the authority of Morton's 
" wife's fbnne and others," that he had fled to New England 
" upon a foule fufpition of murther." 2 While, therefore, it 
would feem' that grave charges were in general circulation 
againft Morton, connecting him with fome deed of violence, 
it is neceffary to bear in mind that confiderable allowance 
muft be made before any accufation againft him can be ac- 
cepted on the word of either the Maffachufetts or the Ply- 
mouth authorities, or thofe in fympathy with them. Yet 
Morton was a recklefs man, and he lived in a time when 
no great degree of fanclity attached to human life ; fo that 
in itfelf there is nothing very improbable in this charge. 
It is poffible that before coming to America he may have 
put fome one out of the way. Neverthelefs, as will pref- 
ently be feen, though he was fubfequently arrefted and in 
jail in England, the accufation never took any formal fhape. 
That he was at fome time married would appear from the 
letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allufions in the 
New Canaan fhow that he had been a man paffionately fond 
of field fports, and a good deal of a traveller as well. He 
fpeaks, for inftance, of having been " bred in fo genious a 

way " 

1 N. E. Memorial, p. 160. 2 ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. viii. p. 323. 

6 Thomas Morton 

way " that in England he had the common ufe of hawks in 
fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to his having been 
fo near the equator that " I have had the fun for my zenith." 1 
On the titlepage of his book he defcribes himfelf as " of 
Cliffords Inne gent," which of courfe he would not have ven- 
tured to do had he not really been what he there claimed to 
be ; for at the time the New Canaan was publifhed he was 
living in London and apparently one of the attorneys of the 
Council for New England. 2 Bradford, fpeaking from mem- 
ory, fell into an error, therefore, when he defcribed him as 
a "kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne." 3 That in 
1625 he was a man of fome means is evident from the facl 
that he owned an intereft in the Wollafton venture ; though 
here again Bradford takes pains to fay that the fhare he 
reprefented ("of his owne or other mens") was fmall, and 
that he himfelf had fo little refpect amongft the reft that he 
was flighted by even the meanefl: fervants. 

In all probability this was not Morton's firft vifit to Maffa- 
chufetts Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, 
having already paffed one feafon on its fhores. His own flate- 
ment, at the beginning of the firft chapter of the fecond book 
of the Canaan, feems to be conclufive on this point. He there 
fays: " In the month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my 
chance to arrive in the parts of New England with thirty fer- 
vants, and provifion of all forts fit for a plantation ; and, while 
our houfes were building, I did endeavor to take a furvey of 
the country." 4 There was but one fhip which arrived in New 


1 Infra, *I3, *ji, 343, note. 3 Bradford, p. 236. 

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n. 4 Infra, *iy, 130, note 2, *$g. 

Of Merry-Mount 7 

England in June, 1622, and that was the Charity z 1 and the 
Charity brought out Wefton's party, which fettled at Wef- 
faguffet, anfwering in every refpect to Morton's defcrip- 
tion of the party he came with. Andrew Wefton, a younger 
brother of the chief promoter of the enterprife, had then 
come in charge of it, and is defcribed as having been " a 
heady yong man and violente." 2 After leaving Wefton's 
company at Plymouth, the Charity went on to Virginia, 
but returned from there early in October, going it would 
feem directly to Bofton Bay and Weffaguffet. 8 One part 
of the colonifts had then been there three months, and 
it was during thofe three months that Morton apparently 
took the furvey of the country to which he refers. As the 
Weffaguffet plantation was now left under the charge of 
Richard Greene, it would feem that young Wefton went back 
to England in the Charity, and the inference is that Morton, 
who had come out as his companion, went back with him. 

In any event, the impreffion produced on Morton by this 
firft vifit to New England was a ftrong and favorable one. It 
looked to him a land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. 
Accordingly, he gave vent to his enthufiafm in the warm 
language of the firft chapter of his fecond book. 4 With 
the fubfequent fate of Wefton's party he feems to have had 
no connection. He muft at the time have heard of it, and 
was doubtlefs aware of the evil reputation that company left 
behind. This would perfectly account for the fact that he 
never mentions his having himfelf had anything to do with 


1 Bradford, p. 118. s Young's Chron. of PL, p. 299. 

2 Bradford, p. 120. 4 Infra, *6o. 

8 Thomas Morton 

it. Yet it may be furmifed that he returned to England 
poffeffed with the idea of connecting himfelf with fome 
enterprife, either Wefton's or another, organized to make a 
fettlement on the fhores of Boflon Bay and there to open 
a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New 
England winter; though, for that matter, when he after- 
wards had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed 
his views of the country. To the laft, apparently, he thought 
of it as he firft faw it during the fummer and early autumn 
of 1622, when it was a green frefh wildernefs, nearly devoid 
of inhabitants and literally alive with game. 

News of the utter failure of Wefton's enterprife muft have 
reached London in the early fummer of 1623. Whether 
Morton was in any way perfonally affected thereby does not 
appear, though from his allufions to Wefton's treatment 
by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter of 1623-4, 
it is not at all improbable that he was. 1 During the follow- 
ing year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had 
evidently fucceeded in effecting fome fort of a combination 
which refulted in the Wollafton expedition. 

The partners in this enterprife would feem to have been 
the mereft adventurers. So far as can be afcertained, they 
did not even trouble themfelves to take out a patent for the 
land on which they propofed to fettle, 2 in this refpect fliow- 
ing themfelves even more carelefs than Wefton. 3 With the 
exception of Morton, they apparently had no practical 
knowledge of the country, and their defign clearly was to 


1 Infra, *i 13— 1 18. however, writing to Lord Clarendon in 

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 397. the year 1661, afferts that Morton had 
8 Lowell Injl. Leftures of Mafs. Hid. a patent. Coll. N. V. Hiji. Soc. 1869, 

Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel Maverick, p. 40. 

Of Merry-Mount 9 

eftablifli themfelves wherever they might think good, and 
to trade in fuch way as they faw fit. 

When the party reached its deftination in Maffachufetts 
Bay, they found Weffaguffet ftill occupied by fuch as were 
left of Robert Gorges's company, who had then been there 
nearly two years. They had neceffarily, therefore, to eftablifli 
themfelves elfewhere. A couple of miles or fo north of Wef- 
faguffet, on the other fide of the Monatoquit, and within the 
limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place called 
by the Indians Paffonageffit. The two localities were fepa- 
rated from each other not only by the river, which here 
widens out into a tidal efluary, but by a broad bafin which 
filled and emptied with every tide, while around it were 
extenfive fait marflies interfered by many creeks. The up- 
land, too, was interfperfed with tangled fwamps lying be- 
tween gravel ridges. At Paffonageffit the new-comers ef- 
tablilhed themfelves, and the place is ftill known as Mount 

In almoft all refpecls Paffonageffit was for their purpofe 
a better locality than Weffaguffet. They had come there 
to trade. However it may have been with the others, in 
Morton's calculations at leaft the plantation muft have been 
a mere incident to the more profitable dealing in peltry. 
A prominent pofition on the fhore, in plain view of the 
entrance to the bay, would be with him an important con- 
fideration. This was found at Paffonageffit. It was a fpa- 
cious upland rifing gently from the beach and, a quarter of 
a mile or fo from it, fwelling into a low hill. 1 It was not 


1 Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) fpeaks of it as from where Morton's houfe flood to the 
"a bluff." This is an error. The flope water is very gradual. 


Thomas Morton 

connected with the interior by any navigable ftream, but 
Indians coming from thence would eafily find their way to 
it; and, while a portion of the company could always be 
there ready to trade, others of them might make excurfions 
to all points on the neighboring coaft where furs were to be 

Mount Wollaston. 1 

had. Looking feaward, on the left of the hill was a confid- 
erable tidal creek ; in front of it, acrofs a clear expanfe of 
water a couple of miles or fo in width, lay the iflands of the 
harbor in apparently connected fucceffion. Though the an- 
choring grounds among thefe iflands afforded perfect places 


1 This View of Mount Wollaflon is 
taken from Rev. Dr. William P. Lunt's 
Two Difcourfes on Occafton of the Two 
Hundredth Anniverfary of the Gather- 
ing of the Firfl Congregational Church, 
Quincy, (p. 37). It reprefents the place 
very accurately as it appeared in 1.S40, 
and as it is fuppofed to have appeared 
from the time of the firfl fettlement until 
recently. The fingle tree was a lofty red- 

cedar, which muft have been there when 
Wollafton landed, as it was a large tree 
of a long-lived fpecies, and died from age 
about 1850. The trunk is ftill (1882) 
{landing; and, though all the bark has 
dropped off, it meafures fome 66 inches 
in circumference. The central part of 
the above cut, including the tree, has 
been adopted as a feal for the town of 
Quincy, with the motto " Manet." 

Of Merry-Mount. 1 1 

of refuge for veffels, Paffonageffit itfelf, as the fettlers there 
muft foon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, under 
one ferious difadvantage. There was no deep water near 
it. Except when the tide was at leaft half full, the fhore 
could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, fo 
far as planting was concerned, the conditions were favorable. 
The foil, though light, was very good ; and the fpot, lying 
as it did clofe to " the Maffachufetts fields," had fome years 
before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, 
who had made his home there. 1 He had, however, aban- 
doned it at the time when the great peftilence fwept away 
his tribe, and tradition ftill points out a fmall favin-covered 
hummock, near Squantum, on the fouth fide of the Nepon- 
fet, as his fubfequent dwelling-place. Morton fays that 
Chickatawbut's mother was buried at Paffonageffit, and 
that the Plymouth people, on one of their vifits, incurred his 
enmity by defpoiling her grave of its bear fkins. 2 So far as 
the natives were concerned, however, any fettlers on the 
fhores of Bofton Bay,. after the year 1623, had little caufe 
for difquietude. They were a thoroughly crufhed and bro- 
ken-fpirited race. The peftilence had left only a few hun- 
dred of the whole Maffachufetts tribe, and in 1631 Chicka- 
tawbut had but fome fifty or fixty followers. 3 It was a dying 
race ; and what little courage the peftilence had left them 
was effectually and forever crufhed out by Miles Standifh, 
when at Weffaguffet, in April, 1623, he put to death feven 
of the ftrongeft and boldeft of their few remaining men. 


1 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 395. 8 Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 305. 

2 Infra, *5i, 106. 

12 Thomas Morton 

Having felecled a fite, Wollafton and his party built their 
houfe nearly in the centre of the fummit of the hill, on 
a gentle wefterly Hope. It commanded towards the north 
and eafl an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances 
to it; while on the oppofite or landward fide, fome four or 
five miles away, rofe the heavily-wooded Blue Hills. Acrofs 
the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening 
peninfulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Weffaguffet was to 
the fouth, acrofs the marfhes and creeks, and hidden from 
view by foreft and uplands. 

During their firft feafon, the fummer of 1625, Wollafton's 
party muft have been fully occupied in the work of building 
their houfes and laying out their plantation. The winter 
followed. A fmgle experience of a winter on that fhore 
feems to have fufficed for Captain Wollafton, as it had 
before fufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to 
the conclufion that there was little profit and no fatisfaction 
for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months 
of 1626, he determined to go elfewhere. The only account of 
what now enfued is that contained in Bradford ; for Morton 
nowhere makes a fingle allufion to Wollafton or any of his 
affociates, nor does he give any account of the origin, com- 
pofition or purpofes of the Wollafton enterprifeo His filence 
on all thefe points is, indeed, one of the Angular features 
in the New Canaan. Such references as he does make are 
always to Wefton and Wefton's attempt ; 5 and he feems to 
take pains to confound that attempt with Wollafton's. Once 
only he mentions the number of the party with which he 


1 Infra, *i 15-18. 

Of Merry-Mount 1 3 

landed, 1 and the fact that it was fubfequently diffolved ; 2 but 
how it came to be diffolved he does not explain. The in- 
ference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough 
in talking of what he did and faw at Paffonageffit, of his 
revels there, of how he was arretted, and perfecuted out of 
the country. That he fays not a word of Wollafton or his 
other partners muff be due to the fact that the fubject was 
one about which he did not care to commit himfelf. Never- 
thelefs Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not 
only at a later day was Morton himfelf for long periods of 
time at Plymouth, but when the events of which he fpeaks 
occurred Bradford muff have been informed of them by the 
Weffaguffet people, as well as by Fitcher. As we only 
know what Bradford tells us, it can beft be given in his own 
words : — 

" Having continued there fome time, and not finding things to anfwer their 
expectations, nor profit to arife as they looked for, Captain Wollafton takes a 
great part of the fervants and tranfports them to Virginia, where he puts them 
off at good rates, felling their time to other men ; and writes back to one Mr. 
Rafdall, one of his chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring an- 
other part of them to Virginia likewife ; intending to put them off there, as he 
had done the reft. And he, with the confent of the faid Rafdall, appointed 
one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation till 
he, or Rafdall, returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton, 
abovefaid, having more craft than honefty, in the others' abfence watches an 
opportunity, (commons being but hard amongft them,) and got fome ftrong 
drink and other junkets, and made them a feaft ; and after they were merry, 
he began to tell them he would give them good counfel. ' You fee,' faith he, 
' that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia ; and if you ftay till this 
Rafdall returns, you will alfo be carried away and fold for flaves with the 


1 Infra, *59. 2 Infra, *H4. 


Thomas Morton 

reft. Therefore, I would advife you to thrufl out this Lieutenant Fitcher ; 
and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and 
confociates. So may you be free from fervice ; and we will converfe, trade, 
plant and live together as equals, and fupport and protect one another : ' or 
to like effect. This counfel was eafily received; fo they took opportunity 
and thruft Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would fuffer him to come no 
more amongft them ; but forced him to feek bread to eat, and other relief, 
from his neighbors, till he could get paffage for England." 1 

Wollafton's procefs of depletion to Virginia had reduced 
the number of fervants at Paffonageffit from thirty or thirty- 
five, as Morton varioully flates it, 2 to fix at moft. 3 It was as 
the head of thefe that Morton eftablifhed himfelf in con- 
trol at Merry-Mount, as he called the place, 4 fometime, it 


1 Bradford, pp. 236-7. 

2 Infra, *io3, *ii7. 

3 Infra, *i4i-o. 

4 Morton uniformly fpeaks of the place 
as Ma-re-Mount, and John Adams on 
this point commented in his notes as 
follows : — " The Fathers of Plymouth, 
Dorchefter, Charleftown, &c, I fuppofe 
would not allow the name to be Ma-re- 
Mount, but infifted upon calling it Mer- 
ry-Mount, for the fame reafon that the 
common people in England will not call 
gentlemen's ornamental grounds gar- 
dens, but infift upon calling them pleaf- 
ure-grounds, i. e., to excite envy and 
make them unpopular." 

Ma-re-Mount, however, was a charac- 
teriftic bit of Latin punning on Morton's 
part, defigned to teafe his more auftere 
neighbors. He himfelf fays (infra, 
*I32) : " The inhabitants of Paflbnageffit, 
having tranflated the name of their hab- 
itation from that ancient falvage name 
to Ma-re-Mount . . . the precife fepe- 
ratifts that lived at New Plimmouth 
flood at defiance with the place threat- 

ening to make it a woefull mount and 
not a merry mount." (Infra, *I34-) In 
view of the fituation of the place, Ma-re- 
Mount was a very appropriate name, but 
it may well be queftioned whether it 
was ever fo called by any human being 
befides Morton, or by him except in 
print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte. 
(p. 237.) The expreffion ufed by Mor- 
ton, that they " tranflated the name" 
from Paflbnageffit to Ma-re-Mount, 
would naturally fuggeft that the Indian 
name might find its equivalent in the 
Latin one, and mean Amply "a hill by 
the fea." On this point, however, J. 
Hammond Trumbull writes : "Morton's 
' Paflbnageffit ' has been a puzzle to me 
every time it has caught my eye fince 
I fir ft marked it twenty years ago or 
more with double (??). Morton, as he 
fhows in chap. ii. of book I., could not 
write the moft fimple Indian word with- 
out a blunder. What may have been 
the name he makes ' Paflbnageffit ' we 
cannot guefs, unlefs it furvives in 
fome early record. There is no trace of 

' fea,' 

Of Merry-Mount. 1 5 

would feem, in the fummer of 1626. He had now two dif- 
tincl objects in view : one was enjoyment, the other was 
profit ; and apparently he was quite recklefs as to the meth- 
ods he purfued in fecuring either the one or the other. If 
he was troubled by his former partners appearing to affert 
their rights, as he probably was, no mention is made of it. 
There were no courts to appeal to in America, and thoie of 
Europe were far away ; nor would it have been eafy or 
inexpenfive to enforce their procefs in New England. Ac- 
cordingly nothing more is heard of Wollafton or Rafdall, 
though Bradford does fay that Morton was " vehemently 
fufpecled for the murder of a man that had adventured 
moneys with him when he firft came." 1 There is a vague 
tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollafton was fub- 
fequently loft at fea ; 2 but as a full century muffc have 
elapfed between the occurrence of the event and the birth of 
John Adams, this tradition is quite as unreliable as tradi- 
tions ufually are. 

Paffionately fond of field fports, Morton found ample op- 
portunity for the indulgence of his taftes in New England 
He loved to ramble through the woods with his clog and 
gun, or fail in his boat on the bay. The Indians, too, were his 
allies, and naturally enough ; .for not only did he offer them 
an open and eafy-going market for their furs, but he was 


I fea,' or 'water,' or 'mount' in it. If well to the locality. Mount Wollafton 

it ftands for Pafco-naig-ef-it, it means is a part of the neck which connects 

'at [a place] near the little point,' but the peninfulas locally known in Ouincy 

I know fo little of the local topography as Germantown and Hough's Neck with 

that I hefitate to fuggeft this interpreta- the mainland. 

tion." The rendering here fugsrefted by ' Bradford, p. 253. 

Dr. Trumbull does apply fufficiently 2 Whitney's Hijl of Quhicy, p. 18. 


Thomas Morton 

companionable with them. They fhared in his revels. He 
denies that he was in the habit of felling them fpirits, 1 but 
where fpirits were as freely ufed as Morton's account mows 
they were at Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had 
their fhare. Nor were his relations confined to the Indian 
men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of 
probably as much fexual incontinency as any in Englifh 
hiftory. Some of the earlier writers on the New England 
Indians have fpoken of the modefty of the women, — 
Wood, in his Pro/peel, for inftance, and Joffelyn, in the 
fecond of his Two Voyages? Morton, however, is fignifi- 


1 Infra, *55. 

2 Joffelyn fays of the " Indeffes," as 
he calls them, " All of them are of a 
mocleft demeanor, confidering their fav- 
age breeding ; and indeed do fhame our 
EnglifJi rufticks whofe rudenefs in many 
things exceedeth theirs." {Two Voya- 
ges,^. 12,45.) When the Maffachu- 
fets Indian women, in September, 162 1, 
fold the furs from their backs to the firft 
party of explorers from Plymouth, Winf- 
low, who wrote the account of that ex- 
pedition, fays that they "tied boughs 
about them, but with great fhamefaced- 
nefs, for indeed they are more modeft 
than fome of our Englifh women are." 
{Motirt, p. 59.) See alfo, to the fame 
effecl, Wood's Profpecl, (p. 82.) It fug- 
gefts, indeed, a curious inquiry as to 
what were the cuftoms among the ruder 
claffes of the Britifh females during the 
Elizabethan period, when all the writers 
agree in fpeaking of the Indian women 
in this way. Roger Williams, for in- 
ftance, referring to their clothing, fays: 
"Both men and women within doores, 
leave off their beafts fkin, or Englifh 
cloth, and fo (excepting their little apron) 
are wholly naked ; yet but few of the 

women but will keepe their fkin or cloth 
(though loofe) neare to them, ready to 
gather it up about them. Cuftome hath 
ufed their minds and bodies to it, and in 
fuch a freedom from any wantonneffe 
that I have never seen that wantonneffe 
amongft them as, (with griefe) I have 
heard of in Europe." {Key, pp. 1 10-1 1.) 
And he adds, " More particular: 

" Many thoufand proper Men and Women, 
I have feen met in one place : 
Almoft all naked, yet not one 

Thought want of clothes difgrace." 

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer- 
ica (ch. iv.) there is a very graphic ac- 
count of the miffionary Le Jeune's expe- 
rience among the Algonquins, in which 
he defcribes the interior of the wigwam 
on a winter's evening. " Heated to fuf- 
focation, the forcerer, in the clofeft pof- 
fible approach to nudity, lay on his back, 
with his right knee planted upright and 
his left leg croffed on it, difcourfing vol- 
ubly to the company, who, on their part, 
littened in poftures fcarcely lefs remote 
from decency." Le Jeune fays, " Les 
filles et les jeunes femmes font a l'exte- 
rieur tres honneltement couvertes, mais 


Of Merry-Mount 1 7 

cantly filent on this point, and the idea of female chaftity in 
the Indian mind, in the rare cafes where it exifted at all, 
feems to have been of the vaguell poffible defcription. 1 
Morton was not a man likely to be faftidious, and his refer- 
ence to the " laffes in beaver coats " 2 is fuggeftive. Merry- 
Mount was unqueftionably, fo far as temperance and morality 
were concerned, by no means a commendable place. 3 

Morton's inclination to boifterous revelry culminated at 
laft in that proceeding which fcandalized the Plymouth eld- 
ers and has paffed into hiftory. In the fpring of 1627 he 
erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. To erect thefe poles 
feems at that time to have been a regular Englifh obferv- 
ance, which even the fifhermen on the coaft did not neglect. 
When, for inftance, the forerunners of Wefton's colony at 
Weffaguffet reached the Damarifcove Iflands, in the fpring 
of 1622, the firft thing they faw was a May-pole, which the 
men belonging to the fhips there had newly fet up, "and 
weare very mery." 4 There is no room for queftion that in 
England, during the fixteenth and feventeenth centuries, 


entre elles leurs difcours font puants, Judging by an incident mentioned by 

comme des cloaques ; " and Parkman Morton, however, adultery does not 

adds, " The focial manners of remote feem to have been looked upon as a 

tribes of the prefent time correfpond very grave offenfe among the Indians of 

perfectly with Le Jeune's account of the vicinity in which he lived, {Infra, 

thole of the Montagnais." See alfo *32.) On the general fubjecl: of morality 

Voyages of Champlain, Prince Soc, among young Indian women, efpecially 

vol. iii. pp. 168-70. in the vicinity of trading-pofts, fee Park- 

1 Parkman fays that "chaftity in wo- man's Jefnits in North America (pp. 

men was recognized as a virtue by many xxxiv, xlii) and the letter from Father 

tribes." (Jefcits in A'orth America, Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in 

p. xxxiv.) Of the New England Indi- The Old Regime in Canada (p. 4 2 7)- 
ans Williams remarks, — "Single for- 2 hifra, *I35- 

nications they count no fin, but after 3 I. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. in. p. 62. 
marriage then they count it heinous for 4 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. iv. p. 478. 
either of them to be falfe." {Key, p. 138.) 

J 8 Thomas Morton 

May-day feftivities were affociated with a great deal of 
licenfe. They were fo affociated in the minds of Governor 
Bradford and his fellows. Chriftmas was at leaft a Chrif- 
tian feftivity. Not fo May-day. That was diftinclly Pagan 
in its origin. It reprefented all there was left of the Satur- 
nalia and the worfhip of the Roman courtefan. May-day 
and May-day feftivities, accordingly, were things to be alto- 
gether reformed. They were by no means the innocent, 
grateful welcoming of fpring which modern admirers of the 
so-called good old times — which, in point of fa<5t, were very 
grofs and brutal times — are wont to picture to themfelves. 
" I have heard it credibly reported," wrote Stubbes in his 
Anatomy of Abufes, "(and that viva voce) by men of great 
gravitie, credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or 
a hundred maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying], 
there have fcarcely the thirde parte of them returned home 
againe undefiled. " 1 All this it is neceffary to now bear in 
mind, left what Bradford wrote down in his hiflory of Mor- 
ton's doings mould feem grotefque. He was fpeaking of 
what reprefented in his memory a period of uncleannefs, a 
fort of carnival of the fexes. 

Morton's own account of the feftivities at Merry-Mount 
on the May-day of 1627, which came on what would now be 
the nth of the month, will be found in the fourteenth chap- 
ter of the third book of the Canaan} It does not need to 
be repeated here. Bradford's account was very different : 

" They allfo fet up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days 
togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their conforts, dancing and frifking 


1 Hazlitt's Popular Antiquities of fubjec~t, Strutt s Sports and Paftimes, 
Great Britain, p. 121. See alfo on this p. 352. 2 Infra, * 132-7. 

Of Merry-Mount. 1 9 

togither, (like fo many fairies, or furies rather,) and worfe practifes. As if 
they had anew revived and celebrated the feafts of the Roman Goddes Flora, 
or the beafly pra<5tiefes of the madd Bacchanalians. Morton likvvife (to fhew 
his poetrie,) compofed fundry rimes and verfes, fome tending to lafcivioufnes, 
and others to the detraction and fcandall of fome perfons, which he affixed to 
this idle or idoll May-polle." 1 

Morton's verfes can be found in their proper place in 
the New Canaan, but the principal charge now to be made 
againft them is their incomprehenfibility. Judged even by 
the ftandard of the prefent day, much more by that of the 
day when they were written, they are not open to criticifm 
becaufe of their " lafcivioufnes." They are decent enough, 
though very bad and very dull. As to the " detraction and 
fcandall of fome perfons," alleged againft them, — if indeed 
they contained anything of the fort, — it was fo very care- 
fully concealed that no one could eafily have underftood 
it then, and Morton's own efforts at explanation fail to make 
it intelligible now. 

The feftivities around the May-pole were, however, but 
Morton's amufements. Had he confined himfelf to thefe he 
might, fo far as the people at Plymouth at leaft were con- 
cerned, to the end of his life have lived on the mores of Bof- 
ton Bay, and erected a new pole with each recurring fpring. 
The only refinance he would have had to overcome would 
have been a remonftrance now and then, hardly lefs comical 
than it was earneft. The bufmefs methods he purfued were 
a more ferious matter. He had come to New England to 
make money, as well as to enjoy the licenfe of a frontier 
life. He was fully alive to the profits of the peltry trade, 


1 Bradford, p. 237. 

20 Thomas Morto7i 

and in carrying on that trade he was retrained by no 
fcruples. The furs of courfe came from the interior, 
brought by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians 
Morton adopted a policy natural enough for one of his 
recklefs nature, but which imperilled the exiftence of every 
European on the coaft. The two things the favages moft 
coveted were fpirits and guns, — fire-water and fire-arms. 
Beads and knives and hatchets and colored cloth ferved very 
well to truck with at firft. But thefe very foon loft their 
attraction. Guns and rum never did. For thefe the Indians 
would at any time give whatever they poffeffed. The trade 
in fire-arms had already attained fome proportions when, in 
1622, it was ftriclly forbidden by a proclamation of King 
James, iffued at the inftance of the Council for New England. 
The companion trade in fpirits, lefs dangerous to the whites 
but more deftruclive to the favages, was looked upon as 
fcandalous, but it was not prohibited. Morton cared equally 
little for either law or morals. He had come to New Eng- 
land for furs, and he meant to get them. 

" Hearing what gain the French and fifhermen made by trading of pieces, 
powder and fhot to the Indians, he, as the head of this confortfhip, began 
the practice of the fame in thefe parts. And firft he taught them how to ufe 
them, to charge and difcharge, and what proportion of powder to give the 
piece, according to the fize and bignefs of the fame ; and what fhot to ufe 
for fowl and what for deer. And having thus inftructed them, he employed 
fome of them to hunt and fowl for him, fo as they became far more active in 
that employment than any of the Englifh, by reafon of their fwiftnefs of foot 
and nimblenefs of body ; being alfo quick fighted, and by continual exercife 
well knowing the haunts of all forts of game. So as when they faw the exe- 
cution that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the fame, 
they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not ftick to give any 


Of Merry-Mount 2 1 

price they could attain to for them ; accounting their bows and arrows but 
bawbles in companion of them." 1 

This was Bradford's ftory, nor does Morton deny it. That 
he would have denied it if he could is apparent. The prac- 
tices complained of were forbidden by a royal proclama- 
tion, iffued at the inftance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In his 
fpeech in defence of the great patent, before the Houfe of 
Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had 
emphatically dwelt on the fale of arms and ammunition to 
the favages as an abuie then praclifed, which threatened the 
extinction of the New England fettlements. 2 Fifteen years 
later, when he wrote the New Canaan, Morton was a de- 
pendent of Gorges. The fact that he had dealt in fire-arms, 
in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly 
charged againft him. He did deny that he had fold the 
favages fpirits. Thefe, he faid, were the life of trade ; the 
Indians would " pawn their wits " for them, but thefe he 
would never let them have. In the matter of fire-arms, how- 
ever, he preferved a difcreet and fignificant filence. He 
made no more allufion to them than he did to Wollafton or 
his partners at Merry-Mount. 

In the whole record of the early Plymouth fettlement, 
from the firft fkirmifh with the Cape Cod favages, in Decem- 
ber, 1620, to the Weffaguffet killing, there is no mention of 
a gun being feen in an Indian's hands. On the contrary, 
the favages flood in mortal terror of fire-arms. But now at 
laft it feemed as if Morton was about not only to put guns 

in their hands, but to inftrucl them in their ufe. 

" This 

1 Bradford, p. 238. See alfo note 202 in Trumbull's ed. of 

2 in. Mnfs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi., p. 70. Lechford's Plaine Dealing, p. 117. 

22 Thomas Morton 

" This Morton," fays Bradford, " having thus taught them the ufe of pieces, 
he fold them all he could fpare ; and he and his conforts determined to fend 
for many out of England, and had by fome of the mips fent for above a fcore. 
The which being known, and his neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods 
armed with guns in this fort, it was a terror unto them, who lived flraglingly, 
and were of no ftrength in any place. And other places (though more re- 
mote) faw this mifchief would quickly fpread over all, if not prevented. 
Befides, they faw they mould keep no fervants, for Morton would entertain 
any, how vile foever, and all the fcum of the country, or any difcontents, 
would flock to him from all places, if this neft was not broken ; and they 
fhould ftand in more fear of their lives and goods (in fhort time) from this 
wicked and debauched crew than from the favages themfelves." 1 

Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then 
afforded, Morton was not only preffing all the other fettlers 
hard, but he was preffing them in an unfair way. If the 
favages could exchange their furs for guns, they would not 
exchange them for anything elfe. Thofe not prepared to 
give guns might withdraw from the market. The bufmefs, 
too, conducted in this way, was a moft profitable one. Mor- 
ton fays that in the courfe of five years one of his fervants 
was thought to have accumulated, in the trade in beaver 
fkins, no lefs than a thoufand pounds; 2 and a thoufand 
pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent of ten thou- 
fand now. This ftatement was undoubtedly an exaggera- 
tion ; yet it is evident that at even ten fhillings a pound in 
England, which Morton gives as the current price, though 
Bradford fays he never knew it lefs than fourteen, beaver 
fkins, which coft little or nothing in America, yielded a large 
profit. As Morton expreffed it, his plantation " beganne to 
come forward." 3 When, in 1625, the Plymouth people 


1 Bradford, p. 240. 2 Infra, *78, 218, ;/. 8 Infra, *i37- 

Of Merry- Mount 23 

found their way up into Maine, 1 and firft opened a trade 
with the favages there, Morton was not flow in following 
them. In 1628 they eftablifhed a permanent ftation on the 
Kennebec, 2 yet apparently as early at leaft as 1627, if not in 
1626, Morton had foreftalled them there, and hindered them 
of a feafon's furs. 3 

The injury done to the other fettlers in a trading point of 
view, however, ferious as it unqueflionably was, became in- 
fignificant in comparifon with the confequences which muft 
refult to them from the prefence on the coaft of fuch a refort 
as Merry-Mount. The region was vaft, and in it there was 
no pretence of any government. It was the yearly rendezvous 
of a rough and lawlefs clafs of men, only one ftep removed 
from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate 
gain. Once let fuch a gathering-place as that of which 
Morton was now head become fixed and known, and foon it 
would develop into a nefl of pirates. Of this there could be 
no doubt; the Plymouth people had good caufe for the 
alarm which Bradford expreffed. It mattered not whether 
Morton realized the confequences of what he was doing, or 
failed to realize them ; the refult would be the fame. 

It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all thofe dwell- 
ing along the coaft, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod, 
that either the growing nuifance at Merry-Mount muft be 
abated, or they would have to leave the country. The courfe 
to be purfued in regard to it was, however, not equally clear. 
The number of the fettlements alone the coaft had confider- 
ably increafed fince Wollafton's arrival. 4 The Hiltons and 


1 Bradford, p. 204. 3 Infra *I49- 

2 lb. p. 233. * Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 83. 

24 Thomas Morton 

David Thomfon had eftablifhed themfelves at Dover Neck 
and Pifcataqua as early as 1623; and fometime in 1625 
apparently, Thomfon, bringing with him his young wife and 
a fervant or two, had moved down into Bofton Bay, and 
eftablifhed himfelf, only a mile or two away from Mount 
Wollafton, on the ifland which ftill bears his name. He 
had died a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was 
living there alone, with one child and fome fervants. In 
1625 or 1626 the Weffaguffet fettlement had divided. 
Thofe of Gorges's following who remained there had never 
been wholly fatisfied. It was no place for trade. Accord- 
ingly Blackftone, Maverick and Walford, the two laft being 
married and taking their wives with them, had moved acrofs 
the bay, and eftablifhed themfelves refpeclively at Shawmut 
or Bofton, at Noddle's Ifland or Eaft Bofton, and at Mifha- 
wum or Charleftown. Jeffreys, Burfley and fome others had 
remained at Weffaguffet, and were Morton's neighbors at 
that place, whom he fays he was in the cuftom of vifiting 
from time to time, " to have the benefit of company." 1 At 
Hull, already known by that name, 2 there were the Grays and 
a few other fettlers. Thefe had been joined by Lyford and 
Oldham and their friends, when the latter were expelled from 
Plymouth in the fpring of 1625 ; but the next year, finding 
the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had croffed 
over to Cape Ann, and thence a year later paffed on to 
Virginia. Oldham ftill remained at Nantafket. 

Such were thofe neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the 
ftraggling plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of 


1 Infra, *I24- 2 Infra, *i8i. 

Of Merry-Mount 2 5 

"no ftrength in any place." Together they may poffibly 
have numbered from "fifty to an hundred fouls. The Plym- 
outh fettlement was, comparatively fpeaking, organized and 
numerous, confuting as it did of fome two hundred perfons, 
dwelling in about forty houfes, which were protected by a 
ftockade of nearly half a mile in length. Neverthelefs even 
there, by the fummer of 1627, the alarm at the increafe of 
fire-arms in the hands of the favages began to be very great. 
They had fpread " both north and fouth all the land over," 1 
and it was computed that the favages now poffeffed at leaft 
fixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had fold 
them a fcore of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition. 
Bradford thus takes up the ftory : — 

" So fundry of the chiefs of the draggling plantations, meeting together, 
agreed by mutual confent, to folicit thofe of Plymouth, (who were then of 
more ftrength than them all,) to join with them to prevent the further growth 
of this mifchief, and fupprefs Morton and his conforts before they grew to 
further head and ftrength. Thofe that joined in this action, (and after con- 
tributed to the charge of fending him to England,) were from Pifcataqua, 
Naumkeag, Winnifimmet, Weffaguffet, Nantafket, and other places where any 
Englifh were feated. Thofe of Plymouth being thus fought to by their mef- 
fengers and letters, and weighing both their reafons and the common danger, 
were willing to afford them their help, though themfelves had leaft caufe of 
fear or hurt. So, to be fhort, they firft refolved jointly to write to him, and, 
in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonifh him to forbear thefe courfes ; 
and fent a meffenger with their letters to bring his anfwer. But he was fo 
high as he fcorned all advice, and afked — Who had to do with him ? — he had 
and would trade pieces with the Indians in defpite of all : with many other 
fcurrilous terms full of difdain. 

" They fent to him a fecond time, and bade him be better advifed, and 

more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the injury he did ; 

1 1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. in, pp. 63, 64. 

26 Thomas Morton 

it was againft their common fafety, and againft the King's proclamation. He 
anfwered in high terms, as before ; and that the King's proclamation was no 
law : demanding, what penalty was upon it ? It was anfwered, more than he 
could bear, his Majefty's difpleafure. But infolently he perfifted, and faid 
the King was dead, and his difpleafure with him ; and many the like things ; 
and threatened, withal, that if any came to moleft him, let them look to them- 
felves ; for he would prepare for them." 1 

However it may have been with the pofition he took as a 
matter of public policy, Morton at leaft fhowed himTelf in 
this difpute better verfed in the law of England than thofe 
who admonifhed him. On the firft of the two points made 
by him he was clearly right. King James's proclamation was 
not law. This had been definitely decided more than fifteen 
years before, when in 1610, in a cafe referred to all the 
judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decifion, had ftated 
on his own authority that " the King cannot create any 
offence, by his prohibition or proclamation, which was not 
an offence before, for that was to change the law, and to 
make an offence, which was not ; for ubi non eft lex, ibi non 
eft tranfgrejjio ; ergo, that which cannot be punifhed with- 
out proclamation cannot be punifhed with it." 2 

In regard to the fecond point made by Morton, that the 
King's proclamation died with him, the fame diftinclion 
between ftatutes and proclamations, that the former were of 
perpetual obligation until repealed and that the latter loft 
their force on the demife of the crown, — this diftinclion was, 
a century and a half later, ftated by Hume 3 to have exifted 
in James's time. Lord Chief Juftice Campbell has, how- 

1 Bradford, p. 241. 8 Hijl. of England (Edition of Har- 

' J xii. Coke, p. 75. per Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280. 

Of Merry-Mount 2 7 

ever, exclaimed againft the ftatement as a difplay of igno- 
rant " audacity," and declares that he was unable to find 
in the authorities a trace of any fuch doctrine. 1 On this 
point, therefore, the law of Thomas Morton was probably as 
bad as that of David Hume. Neverthelefs the paffage in 
Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that fome fuch 
diftinction as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have 
got into the books, did exift in both the legal and the public 
mind of the firft half of the feventeenth century. 

Whether Morton's law on the fubje6t of proclamations 
was or was not found mattered little however. It was not 
then to be debated, as the queftion with the fettlers was one 
of felf-prefervation. The Plymouth magistrates had gone 
too far to flop. If they even hefitated, now, there was an 
end to all order in New England. Morton would not be 
flow to realize that he had faced them down, and his info- 
lence would in future know no bounds. 

" So they mutually refolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor of 
Plymouth to fend Captain Standifh, and fome other aid with him, to take 
Morton by force. The which accordingly was done ; but they found him to 
ftand ftiffly in his defence, having made faft his doors, armed his conforts, 
fet divers difhes of powder and bullets ready on the table ; and, if they had 
not been over armed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They 
fummoned him to yield, but he kept his houfe, and they could get nothing 
but feoffs and fcorns from him ; but at length, fearing they would do fome 
violence to the houfe, he and fome of his crew came out, but not to yield, 
but to moot. But diey were fo fteeled with drink as their pieces were too 
heavy for them ; himfelf, with a carbine (overcharged and almoft half filled 
with powder and (hot, as was after found) had thought to have fhot Captain 

Standifh ; 

1 Lives of the Chief Juftices, vol. i.p. lamations," in Difraeli's Curiofities of 
283. See alfo a paper on " Royal Proc- Literature (ed. 1863), vol. iii., p. 371. 

28 Thomas Morton 

Standifh ; but he flept to him, and put by his piece and took him. Neither 
was there any hurt done to any of either fide, fave that one was fo drunk that 
he ran his own nofe upon the point of a fword that one held before him as 
he entered the houfe ; but he loft but a little of his hot blood." 1 

Morton's own account of " this outragious riot," as he 
calls it, is contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third 
book of the New Canaan? It differs confiderably from 
Bradford's, but not in effentials. He fays that the occur- 
rence took place in June ; and as Bradford's letters of expla- 
nation, fent with the prifoner to England, are dated the 9th 
of June, 3 it muft have been quite early in the month. He 
further fays that he was captured in the firft place at Weffa- 
guffet, " where by accident they found him ; " but efcaping 
thence during the night, through the careleffnefs of thofe 
fet on guard over him, he made his way in the midft of a 
heavy thunder-ftorm to Mount Wollafton, going up the 
Monatoquit until he could crofs it. The whole diflance from 
point to point was, for a perfon familiar with the country, 
perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morn- 
ing he made his preparations for refiftance in the way de- 
fcribed by Bradford. Of the whole party at Merry-Mount 
more than half, four apparently, were then abfent in the 
interior getting furs. This fact, indeed, was probably well 
known to his neighbors, who had planned the arreft accord- 
ingly. Standifh, having eight men with him, followed 
Morton round to Mount Wollafton, probably by water, the 
morning fucceeding his efcape ; and what enfued feems to 
•have been fufficiently well defcribed by Bradford. One at 


1 Bradford, p. 241-2. 8 I. Ma/s, Hijl. Coll., vol. iii. pp. 63-4. 

2 Infra, *i37-43- 

Of Merry-Mount. 29 

leaft of the Merry-Mount garrifon got extremely tipfy before 
the attacking party appeared, and Morton, feeing that refin- 
ance was hopelefs, furrendered, after in vain trying to make 
fome terms for himfelf. 

Having been arretted he was at once carried to Plymouth, 
and a council was held there to decide upon the difpofition 
to be made of him. According to his own account certain 
of the magistrates, among whom he fpecially names Stand- 
ifli, advocated putting him to death at once, and fo ending 
the matter. They were not in favor of fending him to 
England. Such a courfe as this was, however, wholly out 
of keeping with the character of the Plymouth colony, and 
it is tolerably fafe to fay that it was never really propofed. 
Morton imagined it ; but he alfo circumftantially afferts that 
when milder councils prevailed, and it was decided to fend 
him to England, Standifh was fo enraged that he threatened 
to fhoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the 
boat. 1 

Either becaufe they did not care to keep him at Ply- 
mouth until he could be fent away, or becaufe an outward- 
bound flfhing-veffel was more likely at that feafon to be 
found at the fiihing-ftations, Morton was almoft immediate- 
ly fent to the Ifles of Shoals. He remained there a month ; 
and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly 
unintelligible account in the New Canaan? At laft a chance 
offered of fending him out in a fifhing-veffel bound to 
old Plymouth, England. He went under charge of John 
Oldham, who was chofen to reprefent the affociated planters 


1 Infra,* 1 50. 2 Infra, *I44, 155. 


Thomas Morton 

in this matter, and who carried two letters, in the nature of 
credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, the one ad- 
dreffed to the Council for New England and the other to 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges perfonally. 1 In thefe letters Brad- 
ford fet forth in detail the nature of the offences charged 
againft Morton, and afked that he might be brought " to his 
anfwer before thofe whom it may concern." Thefe letters 
were figned by the chiefs of the feveral plantations, at whofe 
common charge the expenfes of Oldham's miffion, as well 
as Standi fh's arreft, were defrayed, and towards this charge 
they contributed as follows, though Bradford fays the total 
coft was much more : — 

From Plymouth, 

David Thomfon's widow, 
William Blackftone, 
Edward Hilton, 2 





. I 




. 2 









1 The letters in full are in Bradford's 
Letter-Book, in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. 
iii. pp. 62-4. 

2 The names of neither Maverick nor 
Walford appear in tin's lift, though in 
his hiftory Bradford efpecially mentions 
Winnifimmet (p. 241) as one of the places 
the fettlers at which contributed to the 
charge. They may, as Savage fuggefts, 

{Winthrop, vol. i. p. *43 n.) have been 
included with Blackftone, though, con- 
fidcring what Maverick's means were, 
this does not feem probable. Edward 
Hilton lived at Dover, eight miles above 
Pifcataqua. (Young's Chron. of Mafs., 
p . 315. Proc. of Mafs. Hifl. Soc. 1875- 
6, pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane fuggefts that 
Little Harbor, the place formerly occu- 

Of Merry-Mount 3 1 

Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later 
fummer or early autumn of 1628. They muft, therefore, 
have paffed the outward-bound expedition of Endicott, the 
forerunners of the great Puritan migration of 1630-7, in 
mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached 
Naumkeag. The grant of the Maffachufetts Company, which 
Endicott reprefented, had been regularly obtained from the 
Council for New England, and bore date the 19th of March, 
1628. It covered the fea-front within the fpace of three 
Englifti miles to the northward of the Merrimack and to 
the fouthward of the Charles, " or of any and every part of 
either of thefe ftreams ; " while it extended " from the At- 
lantick and Weftern Sea and Ocean on the Eaft Parte, to 
the South Sea on the Weft Parte." It alfo included every- 
thing lying within the fpace of three miles to the fouthward 
of the fouthernmoft part of Maffachufetts, by which was 
meant Bofton Bay. 1 It was clear, therefore, that Mount 
Wollafton was included in this grant. 

Morton's eftablifhment was thus brought within Endicott's 
government. Its exiftence and character muft already have 
been well known in England, and it is not at all improbable 
that its fuppreffion had been there decided upon. Whether 
this was fo or not, however, Endicott certainly learned, as 
foon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the action which had 
been taken three months before. It commended itfelf to 
him ; though he doubtlefs regretted that more condign pun- 


pied by Thomfon, was meant by Pifcat- open to queftion. (Proc. of Mafs. Hiji. 

aqua. {lb., 368.) The locality of Burfley Soc. 1878, p. 198.) 

and Jeffreys greatly confufed the author- x Hazard, vol. i. p. 243. 

ities for a time, but it no longer feems 

32 Thomas Morton 

ifliment had not been adminiftered to Morton and his crew 
on the fpot, and did not delay to take fuch fteps as were 
ftill in his power, to make good what in this refpecl had 
been lacking. As Bradford fays, " vifiting thofe parts [he] 
caufed that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them 
for their profannes, and admonifhed them to looke ther 
fhould be better walking ; fo they now, or others, changed 
the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte- 

" i 


Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As 
Oldham bore letters to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of 
which place the latter then was and for many years had 
been the royal governor, there can be no doubt that Morton 
was at once brought before him. As refpects New Eng- 
land Gorges's curiofity was infatiable. Any one who came 
from there, whether a favage or a fea-captain, was eagerly 
queflioned by him ; and his collection of charts, memoirs, 
letters, journals and memorials, relating to the difcovery of 
thofe parts, is faid to have been unequalled. 2 Oldham and 
Morton had lived there for years. They knew all that was 
then known about the country and its refources. They both 
of them had unlimited faith in its poffibilities, and talked 
about an hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it 
were a thing eafily compaffed. 3 Talk of this kind Gorges 
liked to hear. It fuited his temperament ; and it would 


1 Bradford, p. 238; Infra, *I34- Da- 8 Oldham's "vaft conceits of extraor- 
gon was the fea-god of the Philiftines, dinary gain of three for one " afterwards 
upon the occafion of whofe feaft, at caufed " no fmall diffraction" to the fo- 
Gaza, Samfon pulled down the pillars ber-minded governor and affiftants of 
of the temple. Judges, xvi. the Maffachufetts Company. Young's 

2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79. Chro?i. of Mafs., p. 147. 

Of Merry- Mount 33 

feem not improbable that Morton foon found this out, and 
bore himfelf accordingly. 

Meanwhile it was not poffible for the Council for New 
England and the Maffachufetts Company to long move in 
harmony. The former was an affociation of courtiers, and 
the latter one of Puritans. The Council planned to create 
in the New World a fcore or two of great feudal domains 
for Englifh noblemen ; the Company propofed to itfelf a 
commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the 
two at once began to crop out. The original grant to the 
Company of March 19, 1628, had been made by the Council, 
with the affent of Gorges. The tract already conceded to 
Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but Sir Ferdi- 
nanclo infilled that the fubfequent and larger grant was 
made with a diftincl: faving of all rights vefted under the 
prior one. 1 This the Company was not prepared to admit ; 
and, as the bufinefs of the Council was habitually done in a 
carelefs flipfhod way, the record was by no means clear. A 
queftion of title, involving fome three hundred fquare miles 
of territory in the heart of the Company's grant, was there- 
fore raifed at once. 

Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title 
to his grant had paffed to his brother John. It would feem 
that Oldham, who was a pufhing man, had come out to Eng- 
land with fome fcheme of his own for obtaining a patent 
from the Council, and organizing a ftrong trading company 
to operate under it. The refult was that John Gorges now 
deeded to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being 


1 ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80. 

34 Thomas Morton 

the whole region lying between the Charles and the Saugus 
rivers, for a diftance of five miles from the coaft on the 
former and three miles on the latter. This deed may and 
probably did bear a date, January 10, 1629, fimilar to that 
of another deed of a yet larger tract out of the fame grant, 
which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton. 
The lands thus conveyed were diftinctly within the limits 
covered by the grant to the Maffachufetts Company, and a 
ferious queftion of title was raifed. The courfe now pur- 
fued by the Company could not but have been fingularly 
offenfive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own 
field of action. They too had friends at court. Accord- 
ingly they went directly to the throne. A royal confir- 
mation of their grant from the Council was folicited and 
obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles's char- 
ter of the Maffachufetts Company paffed the feals. 

It now became a race, for the actual poffeffion of the dif- 
puted territory, between the reprefentatives of the Company 
on the one fide and the Gorges grantees on the other. The 
former, under advice of counfel, denied the validity of the 
Robert Gorges grant of 1622. It was, they claimed, void 
in law, being " loofe and uncertain." 1 They inftructed En- 
dicott to hurry a party forward to effect an actual occuj:>a- 
tion. This he at once did ; and the fettlement of Charlef- 
tovvn, in the fummer of 1629, was the refult. Meanwhile 
Oldham, having in vain tried to coax or browbeat the Com- 
pany into an arrangement fatisfactory to himfelf, was en- 
deavoring to fit out an expedition of his own. 2 He had 


1 Young's Chron. of Afafs.,p. 171 ; 2 Young's Chron. o/Mafs., p. 147. 
Hutchinfon, vol. i. p. 6. 

Of Merry-Mount. 3 5 

not the means at his difpofal ; and, convinced of this at laft, 
he gave up the conteft. 

At an early ftage in thefe proceedings he would feem 
to have wholly loft fight of fo much of the bufinefs he 
had in hand as related to Thomas Morton. Bradford's 
expreffion, in referring to what took place, is that Morton 
" foold " Oldham. 1 Morton himfelf, however, fays 2 that Old- 
ham did the belt, he could, and tried to fet the officers of the 
law at work, but was advifed that Morton had committed 
no crime of which the Englifh courts could take cognizance. 
He had at molt only difregarded a proclamation. All this 
feems very probable. Neverthelefs, for violating a procla- 
mation, he could at that time have been proceeded againft 
in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decifion in 
1 6 10, already referred to, 3 the twelve judges had faid, " Laftly, 
if the offence be not punifhable in the Star Chamber, the 
prohibition of it by proclamation cannot make it punifhable 
there." 4 This, however, was the language of the bench in 
the days of James, when Coke was Chief Juftice. In 1629 
the current of opinion was running ftrongly in the oppofite 
direction. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Juftice, was then 
" fetting law and decency at defiance " in fupport of pre- 
rogative, 5 and a few years later Sir John Finch was to an- 
nounce " that while he was Keeper no man mould be fo 
faucy as to difpute thefe orders " of the Lords of the 
Council. 6 Law or no law, therefore, Morton could eafily 


1 Bradford, p. 243. 5 Campbell's Chief Juflices, vol. ii. 

2 Infra, *i56. p. 42. 

3 Supra, p. 26. 6 Campbell's Lord Chancellors, vol. 

4 xil. Coke, p. 76. iii. p. 256. 

36 Thojnas Morton 

have been held to a fevere account in the Star Chamber, 
had Gorges been difpofed to prefs matters againft him there. 
He clearly was not fo difpofed. The inference, therefore, is 
that Morton had fucceeded in thoroughly ingratiating him- 
felf with Gorges ; and Oldham, as he was now a grantee of 
Gorges's fon, did not fee his account in preffmg matters. 
Accordingly Bradford's letters and complaints were quietly 
ignored ; and his " lord of mifrule," and head of New Eng- 
land's firfl " fchoole of Athifme, " * efcaped without, fo far as 
could be difcovered, even a rebuke for his mifdeeds. 

Nor was this all. Ifaac Allerton was at that time in 
London, as the agent of the Plymouth colony. The moffc 
important bufinefs he had in hand was to procure a new 
patent for the Plymouth people, covering by correct bounds 
a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now 
opening a promifmg trade. They alfo wanted to fecure, if 
poffible, a royal charter for themfelves like that which had 
juffc been iffued to the Maffachufetts Company. In the 
matter of the patent, Allerton had to deal with the Council 
for New England ; the granting of the charter lay at White- 
hall. Altogether it was a troublefome and vexatious bufi- 
nefs, and the agent foon found that he could make no head- 
way except through favor. The influence of Gorges became 
neceffary. In the light of fubfequent events it would feem 
altogether probable that Morton now made himfelf ufeful. 
At any rate, when Allerton returned to New England, in 
1629, with the patent but without a charter, he aftonifhed 
and fcandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Mor- 

1 Bradford, p. 237. 

Of Merry-Mount 37 

ton back with him. They apparently landed fometime in 
Auguft, 1 and we have two accounts of Morton's reception at 
Plymouth ; one his own, and the other Governor Bradford's. 
Both are characteriftic. Morton fays that 

"Being fhip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in at 
Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to fee him 
at liberty ; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully anfwered the matter they 
could object againft him. Hee onely made this modeft reply, that he did 
perceave they were willfull people, that would never be anfwered : and he de- 
rided them for their praclifes and loffe of laboure." 2 

Bradford, looking at the tranfaction from the other point 
of view, favs: — 

" Mr. Allerton gave them great and juft ofence in bringing over this year, 
for bafe gaine, that unworthy man, and inftrumente of mifcheefe, Morton, who 
was fent home but the year before for his mifdemenors. He not only 
brought him over, but to the towne, (as it were to nofe them,) and lodged him 
at his owne houfe, and for awhile ufed him as a fcribe to doe his buffines." 3 

In view of Morton's efcape from all punifhment in Eng- 
land, and his return a little later to Mount Wollafton, Brad- 
ford fpeaks of the trouble and charge of his arreft as hav- 
ing been incurred " to little effect." 4 This, however, was 
not fo. On the contrary, it is not often that an act of gov- 
ernment repreffion produces effects equally decifive. The 
nuifance was abated and the danger difpelled ; the fact that 
there was a power on the coaft, ready to affert itfelf in the 
work of maintaining order, was eftablifhed and had to be 
recognized ; and, finally, a wholly unfcrupulous competitor 


1 Bradford, p. 250. 3 Bradford, p. 252. 

2 Infra, *i$7- i I. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iii. p. 63. 

38 Thomas Morton 

was driven out of trade. Thefe refults were well worth all 
that Morton's arreft coft, and much more. 

It does not appear how long Morton now remained at 
Plymouth. It could not, however, have been more than a 
few weeks before Allerton, who himfelf went back to Eng- 
land the fame feafon, was, as Bradford puts it, " caufed to 
pack him away." He then returned to Mount Wollafton, 
where he feems to have found a remnant of his old com- 
pany, — apparently the more modeft of them and fuch as 
had looked to their better walking. Hardly, however, had 
he well gotten back when he was in trouble with Endicott. 
The firft difficulty arofe out of the jealoufy which exifted 
between the " old planters," as they were called, and thofe 
who belonged to the Maffachufetts Company. The old 
planters were the very men who had affociated themfelves, 
eighteen months before, to bring about the fuppreffion of 
the eftablifhment at Mount Wollafton. Now they alfo were 
beginning to feel the preffure of authority, and they did 
not like it. In their helplefs anger they even fpoke of them- 
felves as " flaves " of the new Company. 1 They could no 
longer plant what they chofe or trade with whom they 

On thefe points Endicott had explicit inftructions. They 
were contained in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and 
May 28, 1629, which are to be found in Young's Chronicles 
of Maffachufetts, and contain the policy of the company, fet 
forth in clear vigorous Englifh. In purfuance of thofe in- 
ftruclions, Endicott feems to have fummoned all the old 


1 Young's Chron. of Mqfs., p. 145. 

Of Merry-Mount. 39 

planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a 
General Court at Salem, fometime in the latter part of 1629. 
There he doubtlefs advifed them as to the policy which the 
Company intended to purfue ; and Morton fays that he 
then tendered all prefent for fignature certain articles which 
he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together. 
The effence of thofe articles was that in all caufes, ecclefiaf- 
tical as well as political, the tenor of God's word mould be 
followed. 1 The alternative was banifliment. 

Morton claims that he alone of thofe prefent refufed to 
put his hand to this paper, infilling that a provifo fhould 
firft be added in thefe words, " So as nothing be done con- 
trary or repugnant to the laws of the Kingdom of England." 
Thefe are almoft the exact words of King Charles's charter ; 2 
and it would feem as though Morton, in propofing them, 
fought an opportunity to difplay his legal acumen. Wheth- 
er his fuggeftion was adopted, and the articles modified ac- 
cordingly, does not appear. It probably was, though the 
change was not one which Endicott would have looked 
upon with favor. If he affented to it he certainly did fo 
grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver fkins 
was next brought up. This was intended to be a Company 
monopoly, to meet the charge of providing churches and 
forts. 3 It was accordingly propofed that a fort of general 
partnerfhip for the term of one year fhould be effected to 
carry it on. Morton fays that on this matter alfo he flood 
out, and it feems altogether probable that he did. It is 
fafe to fay that he was there to make whatever trouble he 


1 Infra, *i$8-g. 3 Young's Chron. of Ma/s., pp. 96, 

2 Hazard, vol. i. p. 252. 14S. 

40 Thomas Morton 

could. On the other hand it was not poffible for Endicott 
to miftake his inflruclions. They were as plain as words 
could make them. He was to fee to it that " none be par- 
takers of [the Company's] privileges and profits, but fuch as 
be peaceable men, and of honefl life and converfation, and 
defirous to live amongft us, and conform themfelves to good 
order and government." And further, if any factious fpirit 
developed itfelf he was enjoined " to fupprefs a mifchief 
before it take too great a head . . . which, if it may be 
done by a temperate courfe, we much defire it, though with 
fome inconvenience, fo as our government and privileges be 
not brought in contempt. . . . But if neceffity require a 
more fevere courfe, when fair means will not prevail, we 
pray you to deal as in your difcretions you fhall think ntteft." 
Such inflruclions as thefe, in Endicott's hands to execute, 
boded ill for Morton. 

Matters foon came to a crifis. Morton paid no regard to 
the Company's trade regulations. The prefumption is that he 
was emboldened to take the courfe he now did by the belief 
that he would find fupport in England. He unqueftionably 
was informed as to all the details of the trouble between the 
Maffachufetts Company and the Council for New England, 
and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way fpeaks of as 
"a mad Jack in his mood," 1 held a grant from John Gorges, 
and was ftraining every nerve to come out and take adverfe 
poffeffion of the territory covered by it. He probably hoped, 
day by day, to fee Oldham appear at the head of a Gorges 
expedition. There is reafon to fuppofe that he was himfelf 


1 Infra, *i 19. 

Of Merry-Mount 4 1 

at this time an agent of Gorges,— that, indeed, he had come 
back to New England as fuch, and was playing a part very 
much like that of a fpy. He was certainly in fuch corre- 
fpondence with Sir Ferdinando as the means of communica- 
tion permitted, and the confidant of his plans. 1 

When, therefore, he offered all the oppofition to Endicott 
which he dared, and thwarted him fo far as he could, he was 
not acting for himfelf alone. He reprefented, in a degree at 
leaft, what in England was a powerful combination. Accord- 
ingly, with an over-confidence in the refult born of his fan- 
guine faith in the power and influence of his patron, he now 
feems to have gone back to the lefs objectionable of his old 
courfes. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and am- 
munition, for he probably had none to fpare, and experience 
had taught him how dangerous it was. He did, however, 
deal with the favages as he faw fit, and on his own account, 
openly expreffmg his contempt for Endicott's authority, and 
doing all he could to excite the jealoufy and difcontent of 
the " old planters." 2 His own profits at this time were, he 
fays, fix and feven fold. 

This ftate of things could not continue. Accordingly, as 
the year drew to a clofe, Endicott made an effort to arreft 
him. Morton, however, was now on his guard. Getting 
wind of what was intended, he concealed his ammunition 
and moft neceffary goods in the foreft ; and, when the mef- 
fengers, fent acrofs the bay to feize him, landed on the 
beach at the foot of Mount Wollafton, he was nowhere to 
be found. He fays that they ranfacked his houfe, and took 


1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. 2 Infra, *i6o. 

42 Thomas Mortoit 

from it all the provender they could find ; but when they 
were gone he replenifhed his fupplies with the aid of his 
gun, and " did but deride Captain Littleworth, that made 
his fervants fnap fhorte in a country fo much abounding 
with plenty of foode for an induftrious man." This hap- 
pened about Chriftmas, 1629. 1 

Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can 
be little room for doubt that Morton would have been fum- 
marily dealt with ; but for the prefent the deputy-gov- 
ernor's attention was otherwife occupied. This was that 
winter of 1629-30, the famine and ficknefs of which came fo 
near to bringing the Salem fettlement to a premature end. 
During that ffruggle for exiftence the magiftrate had no 
time to attend to Morton's cafe. But he was not the man 
to forget it. 

With the following fummer the great migration, which 
was to fix the character of New England, began. Inftead 
of a veffel fitted out for Oldham under the patronage of 
Gorges, the Mary & John, chartered by the Maffachufetts 
Company and having on board 140 paffengers from the 
Weft of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May. 
A fortnight later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and 
on the 17th of June he alfo came into Bofton Harbor; and 
Morton, from Mount Wollafton, muft have watched his 
veffel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his houfe, it 
made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Myftic. 
He muft alfo have realized that its appearance in thofe 
waters boded him no good. 


1 Infra, *i6i. 

Of Merry-Mount 43 

In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve 
fail in all, was at anchor off Charleftown, and the work of dis- 
charging paffengers was going actively on. Of thefe there 
were nearly a thoufand ; x and now the bufy and fatal fum- 
mer experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon. 

For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undif- 
turbed at Mount Wollafton. The confufion and buftle of 
landing, and afterwards the terror and fenfe of bereavement 
which followed hard on peftilence, protected him. It was 
not until the 23d of Auguft, or the prefent 2d of September, 
that the magiftrates held any formal feffion. They then met 
at the great houfe at Charleftown, 2 as it would feem, Win- 
throp, Dudley, Saltonftall, Pynchon, Bradftreet and others 
being prefent. After fome more important bufinefs had been 
difpofed of, " It was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolifon, 
fliould prefently be Tent for by proceffe." 3 Of the circum- 
ftances of his arreft under the warrant thus iffued Morton 
has given no account. Apparently he felt it was ufelefs to 
try to evade the meffengers, and refiftance was wholly out of 
the queftion. At the next feffion of the magiftrates, held 
two weeks later, on what would now be the 1 7th of Septem- 
ber, he was formally arraigned. In addition to thofe already 
named as being at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now 
prefent. He had probably come down from Salem to give 
his perfonal attention to Morton's cafe. It muft from the 
outfet have been apparent to the prifoner that the tribunal 
before which he flood was one from which he had nothing 


1 Young's Chron. of Ma/s., p. 311. e Records, vol. i p. 74. 

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *3o. 

44 Thomas Morton 

to hope. The proceedings were in fact fummary. It would 
feem, from his own account of them, 1 that he endeavored to 
humble himfelf, and, that failing, he made a fort of plea to 
the jurifdiclion of the Court. Neither fubmiffion nor plea 
produced any effecl:. On the contrary he was apparently 
cut fhort in his defence and his proteft by impatient excla- 
mations, and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to 
his fentence. It appears in the records as follows : — 

" It is ordered by this prefent Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount Wal- 
lifton, fhall prefently be fett into the bilbovves, and after fent prifoner into 
England, by the fhipp called the Gifte, nowe returning thither ; that all his 
goods fhalbe feazed upon to defray the charge of his tranfportation, payment 
of his debts, and to give fatisfaclion to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjuftly 
tooke away from them ; and that his hovvfe, after the goods are taken out, fhal- 
be burnt downe to the ground in the fight of the Indians, for their fatisfaclion, 
for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to tyme." 2 

Unfortunately, Winthrop's admonitory remarks in impof- 
ine this fentence have not been preferved. There is, how- 
ever, in the New Cajiaan, an expreffion which apparently 
formed a part of them. 3 It is that in which it is affigned as 
a reafon for the deftruclion of the houfe at Mount Wollaf- 
ton, that " the habitation of the wicked mould no more 
appear in Ifrael." In compliance with the terms of this 
fentence, Morton was fet in the flocks ; and while there, he 
tells us, the favages came and looked at him, and wondered 
what it all meant. He was not, however, fent back to Eng- 
land in the Gift, as the mailer of that veffel declined to 
carry him ; for what reafon does not appear. It was not in 


1 Infra, *i63- 8 Infra, *i6y 

2 Records, vol i p. 75. 

Of Merry-Mount 45 

fact until nearly four months after his arrefl that a paffage 
was fecured for him in the Handmaid. Even then, Mave- 
rick afterwards ftated that Morton, obdurate to the laft, 
refufed to go on board the veffel, upon the ground that he 
had no call to go there, and fo had to be hoifted over her 
fide by a tackle. 1 His houfe alfo was burned down ; but the 
execution of this part of his fentence, he afferts, — and his 
affertion is confirmed by Maverick, — was vindictively de- 
layed until he was on his way into banifhment, when it was 
executed rather in his fight, it would feem, than in that of 
the favages. Of the voyage to England there is an account 
in the New Canaan that is rather more rambling and inco- 
herent than is ufual even with Morton. 2 

The Handmaid appears to have been unfeaworthy, and 
infufficiently fupplied. She had a long and tempeftuous 
paffage, in the courfe of which Morton came very near 
ftarving, no provifion having been made for his fubfiftence 
except a very inadequate one out of his own fupplies. 

The fecond arrefl of Morton was equally defenfible with 
the firft. According to his own account he had fyftemati- 
cally made himfelf a thorn in Endicott's fide. He had 
refufed to enter into any covenants, whether for trade or 
government, and he had openly derided the magiftrate and 
eluded his meffengers. This could not be permitted. He 
dwelt within the limits of the Maffachufetts charter, and the 
Company was right when it inftrucled Endicott that all liv- 
ing there " mufl live under government and a like law." 
It was neceffary, therefore, that Morton fhould either give in 


* Coll. ofN. Y. Hijl. Sac. (1869), p. 42. 2 fnfa, *l86-7- 

46 Thomas Morton 

his adhefion, or that he fliould be compelled to take himfelf 
off. This, however, was not the ground which the magiftrates 
took. Nothing was faid in the fentence of any difregard of 
authority or difobedience to regulation. No reference was 
made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade 
in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have juftified the 
extreme feverity of a fentence which went to the length of 
ignominious phyfical punifhment, complete confifcation of 
property and banifhment ; leaving only whipping, mutila- 
tion or death uninflicled. No fuch offences were alleged. 
Thofe which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the moft 
trivial character. They were manifeftly trumped up for the 
occafion. The accufed had unjuftly taken away a canoe from 
fome Indians ; he had fired a charge of fhot among a troop 
of them who would not ferry him acrofs a river, wounding one 
and injuring the garments of another; he was "a proud, in- 
folent man " againft whom a " multitude of complaints were 
received, for injuries done by him both to the Englifh and 
the Indians." 1 Thofe fpecified, it may be prefumed, were 
examples of the reft. They amount to nothing at all, and 
were afterwards very fitly characterized by Maverick as 
mere pretences. Apparently confcious of this, Dudley, the 
deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few months 
later in his letter to the Countefs of Lincoln, fays that 
Morton was fent to England "for that my Lord Chief 
Juftice there fo required, that he might punifli him capi- 
tally for fouler mifdemeanors there perpetrated." Bradford 
alfo, in referring to the matter, ftates that Morton was 

" vehemently 

1 Young's Chron. o/Afafs., p. 321 ; Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc, 1860-2, p. 133. 

Of Merry-Mount 47 

" vehemently fufpected " of a murder, and that " a warrant 
was fent from the Lord Chief Juftice to apprehend him." x 

There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the 
King's Bench againft Morton in Winthrop's hands, 2 but in 
all probability it was nothing more nor lefs than a fort of 
Enelifh lettre de cachet. Morton's record in New England 
was perfectly well known in London at the time Winthrop 
was making his preparations to crofs. His relations with 
Oldham and Gorges muft often have been difcuffed at the 
afliftants' meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact 
that he had gone back to Plymouth with Allertdn. They 
muft have fufpected that he went back as an agent or emif- 
fary of Gorges, and they may have known that he fo went 
back. In any event, they did not propofe to have him live 
within the limits of their patent. He was an undefirable 
character. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained 
in advance, on fome vague report or fufpicion of a criminal 
act, to be at hand and ready for ufe when needed. 3 It could 
not legally run into New England, any more than it could 
into Scotland or Ireland. 4 Then, and at no later time, would 
Winthrop have recognized it in any other cafe ; and, even 
in this cafe, no reference is made to it in the colony records. 
Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a 

Moreover fuch a requifition, though it might have war- 
ranted the return of Morton to England, certainly did not 


1 Bradford, p. 253. ment muft not be brought by Iosua 

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *$J. [Winthrop] in vaine." 

3 Morton fays (Infra, *i63) "the 4 Mafs. Hijl. Soc, Lowell Inft. Lec- 
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftru- tures (1869)^.377. 

48 Thomas Morto7i 

warrant the confutation of all his property and the burning 
of his houfe in advance of trial and conviction there. In 
point of fact, the requifition was a mere pretext and cover. 
The Maffachufetts magiftrates, fo far as Morton was con- 
cerned, had made up their minds before he flood at their bar. 
He was not only a " libertine," as they termed it, but he was 
fufpected of being a fpy. His prefence at Mount Wollaflon 
they did not confider defirable, and fo they propofed to purge 
the country of him ; and if not in one way, then in another. 
His cafe is not fingular in Maffachufetts annals ; it is merely 
the firft of its kind. It eftablifhed a precedent much too 
often followed thereafter. Morton was one of thofe who, as 
it was expreffed in a tract of the time printed in London, 
" muff have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be fo pinioned 
with the ftricf government in the Commonwealth, or difci- 
pline in the church. Now why fhould fuch live there ? As 
Ireland will not brooke venomous beafts, fo will not that 
land [New England] vile perfons and loofe livers." 1 

Many times, in the years which followed, the country was 
purged of other of thefe " vile perfons and loofe livers," in 
much the fame way that it was now purged of Morton. It 
may, however, well be queftioned whether it ever derived ben- 
efit from the procefs. Certainly Morton's cafe was as ftrong 
as any cafe well could be. There was abfolutely nothing to 
be faid in his favor. He was a lawlefs, recklefs, immoral 
adventurer. And yet, as the refult will fhow, in fending Mor- 
ton back to England, the victim of high-handed juftice, the 
Maffachufetts magiftrates committed a ferious blunder. They 


1 I. Ma/s. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 250. 

Of Merry-Mount 49 

had much better have left him alone under the harrow of 
their authority. At Mount Wollaflon he was at worft but a 
nuifance. They drove him away from there and fent him 
back to London ; and at Whitehall he became a real danger. 
This part of his ftory is now to be told. 

Bradford fays, and he is generally correct in his ftate- 
ments, that when at laft Morton reached England " he lay 
a good while in Exeter jail." x There is no allufion to any- 
thing: of the fort in the New Canaan ; and it would not feem 
that he could have been very long a prifoner, as the next 
affizes and jail-delivery mull have fet him free. There could 
have been nothing- on which to make him {land, a trial. 
Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and bufily 
concerned in Gorges's intrigues for the overthrow of the 
Maffachufetts charter. 

The houfe in which Gorges lived — as formerly it had 
been the point of gathering of all who had vifited the Amer- 
ican coaft, or could add anything to the flock of information 
concerning it — was now the headquarters for thofe who had 
any complaint to make or charges to prefer againft the 
magiflracy of Maffachufetts. Acting in concert with Captain 
John Mafon, the patentee of New Hampfhire, he was exerting 
himfelf to the utrnofl to fecure a revocation of King Charles's 
charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December, 
1632, and it was a formidable one. It affumed the fhape of 
a petition to the Privy Council, afking the Lords to inquire 
into the methods through which the royal charter for the 
Maffachufetts Bay had been procured, and into the abufes 


1 Bradford, p. 253. 

50 Thomas Morton 

which had been practifed under it. Befides many injuries 
inflicted on individuals in their property and perfons, the 
Company was alfo charged with feditious and rebellious 
defiens, fubverfive alike of church and of ftate. The various 
allegations were bafed on the affidavits of three witneffes, — 
Thomas Morton, Philip Ratcliff and Sir Chriftopher Gardi- 
ner. Behind thefe was the active and energetic influence 
of Gorges and Mafon. 1 

It is not neceffary in this connection to go into any 
detailed ftatement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff 
and Gardiner. They were of the fame nature, though even 
more pronounced than thofe of Morton. The country had 
in fact been purged of all three of thefe individuals. The 
original document in which they fet forth their cafes, and 
made accufation againfl; the magiftrates, has unfortunately 
been loft. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop faid that 
it contained " fome truths mifrepeated." 2 Apart from fevere 
judgments on alleged wrong-doers, including whipping, 
branding, mutilating, banifliment and confifcation of proper- 
ty, the burden of the accufation lay in the difpofition to 
throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was dif- 
tinctly charged againfl the colony. 

A harfh coloring was doubtlefs given in the petition to 
whatever could be alleged. So far as cafting off their alle- 
giance to the mother country was concerned, nothing can 
be more certain than that neither the leaders nor the 
common people of New England entertained at that time 
any thought of it ; but it is quite equally certain that the 


1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 336. 2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I02. 

Of Merry-Mount. 5 1 

leaders at leaft were deeply diffatisfied with the courfe public 
affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans, 
and this was the period of the Star Chamber and the High 
Commiffion. No parliament had been called fmce 1629, 
and it was then publicly announced at Court that no 
more parliaments were to be called. There is no reafon 
to fuppofe that the early fettlers of Maffachufetts were a 
peculiarly reticent race. On the contrary it is well known 
that they were much given to delivering themfelves and 
bearing evidence on all occafions ; and in doing fo they 
unqueflionably railed and declaimed quite freely againft 
thofe then prominent in the council-chamber and among 
the bifhops. That there was a latent fpirit in New England 
ripe for rebellion was alfo, probably, afferted in the loft 
document. However Winthrop might deny it, and deny it 
honeftly, this alfo was true ; and fubfequent events, both in 
Maffachufetts and in England, mowed it to be fo. In the 
light of their fympathies and fufferings, Morton and Gardi- 
ner probably realized the drift of what they had heard faid 
and feen done in New England a good deal better than 

The refult of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the ap- 
pointment of a committee of twelve Lords of the Council, 
to whom the whole matter was referred for inveftigation and 
report. The committee was empowered to fend for perfons 
and papers, and a long and apparently warm hearing enfued. 
The friends of the Company found it neceffary to at once 
beftir themfelves. Cradock, Saltonftall and Humfrey filed a 
written anfwer to the complaint, and fubfequently, at the 
hearing, they received efficient aid from Emanuel Downing, 


52 Thomas Morton 

Winthrop's brother-in-law, and Thomas Wiggin, who lived 
at Pifcataqua, but now moft opportunely chanced to be in 

At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influ- 
ence or purchafe. The founders of Maffachufetts were men 
juft abreaft of their time, and not in advance of it. There 
is good ground on which to fufpect that they did not hefi- 
tate to have recourfe to the means then and there neceffary 
to the attainment of their ends. It has never been explained, 
for inftance, how the charter of 1629 was originally fecured. 1 
When Allerton, at the fame time, tried to obtain a fimilar 
charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to 
buy his way at every ftep, and Bradford complained bitterly 
of the " deale of money veainly and lavifhly caft away." 2 That 
the original patentees of Maffachufetts bribed fome courtier 
near the King, and through him bought their charter, is 
wholly probable. Every one bribed, and almoft every one 
about the King took bribes. That the patentees had pow- 
erful influence at Court is certain ; exactly where it lay is not 
apparent. The Earl of Warwick interefted himfelf actively 
in their behalf. It was he who fecured for them their patent 
from the Council for New England. But Warwick, though 
a powerful nobleman, was " a man in no grace at Court ; " 
on the contrary, he was one of thofe " whom his Majefty had 
no efteem of, or ever purpofed to truft." 3 Winthrop fays 
that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law, 
Emanuel Downing, was efpecially ferviceable. 4 Downing 


1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391. 4 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *ioo. Down- 

2 Bradford, pp. 251-2. ing fent a detailed account of the hear- 
8 Clarendon's Rebellion, B. Ill, § 27; ing, now loft, to Winthrop; see Hutch- 

B. vi. § 404. infon, vol. ii. p. 2. 

Of Merry-Mount 5 3 

was a lawyer of the Inner Temple. 1 There is reafon to 
fuppofe that he had accefs to influential peribns, — poffibly 
Lord Dorchefter may have been amongft them. 2 However 
this may be, whether by means of influence or bribery, the 
hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was 
made to refult difaftroufly for the complainants. Gorges 
took nothing by his motion. In due time the Committee 
reported againft any interference with the Company at that 
time. Such grounds of complaint as did not admit of expla- 
nation they laid to the " faults or fancies of particular men," 
and thefe, they declared, were " in due time to be inquired 
into." King Charles himfelf alfo had evidently been labored 
with through the proper channels, and not without effect. 
Not only did he give his approval to the report of the Com- 
mittee, but he went out of his way to further threaten with 
condign punifhment thofe " who did abufe his governor and 
the plantation." 

Gorges's carefully prepared attack had thus ended in com- 
plete failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor 
was its importance undereflimated in Maffachufetts. This 
clearly appears in Winthrop's fubfequent action ; for when, 
four months later, in May, 1633, information of the final 
action of the Council reached him, he wrote a letter of grave 
jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the glad news, 
and inviting him to join " in a day of thankfgiving to our 
mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late cor- 
rection, fo he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoyflng in 

our deliverance out of fo defperate a danger." 3 


1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll, vol. vi. p. 2 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392. 

33, n. 3 Bradford, p. 297. 

54 Thomas Morton 

Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt 
difcouraged, Gorges and Morton were not difpofed to defift 
from their efforts. As the latter expreffed it, they had been 
too eager, and had " effected the bufinefs but fuperficially." * 
They had alfo committed the ferious miftake of underesti- 
mating the ftrength and influence of their antagonists. If 
Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was at home 
juft where he had now received his crufhing defeat, — in the 
antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been work- 
ing through Court influences. Through them, after the 
Effex infurrection, he had faved his neck from the block. 
If Court influence would have availed to fecure it, in 1623 
he would have pre-empted the whole territory about Bofton 
Bay as the private domain of himfelf and his defcendants. 
At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be difre- 
garded ; and this Winthrop and his colleagues foon had 
caufe to realize. 

Thwarted by ftrong influences in one direction, Gorges 
went to work to fecure ftronger influences in another direc- 
tion. He knew the ground, and his plan of operations was 
well conceived. To follow it out in detail is not poffible. 
Here and there a fact appears ; the reft is inference and fur- 
mife. The King was the objective point. Of him it is not 
neceffary here to fpeak at length, for his character is too 
well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in perfonal 
character purer than his times, — a devout, well-intentioned 
man, — Charles was a fhallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a 
difeafed belief in that divinity which doth hedge a king. He 


1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I90. 

Of Merry-Mount 5 5 

would have made an ideal, average Englifh country gentle- 
man. After the manner of fmall, obftinate men, he believed 
intenfely in a few things. One was his own royal fuprem- 
acy and his refponhbility, not to his people but to his king- 
fliip. He was nothing of a ftatefman, and as a politician 
he was his own worft enemy. His idea of government was 
the Spanifh one : the king had a prime-minifter, and that 
prime-minifter was the king's other and fecond felf. In 
Charles's cafe Buckingham was at firft. prime-minifter; and, 
when Buckingham was affaffinated, he was in due time fuc- 
ceeded by Laud. Abbot, Archbifhop of Canterbury, had 
not died until Auguft 4, 1633, anc ^ a few days later Laud 
was appointed to fucceed him. He thus became primate 
almoit exactly eight months after the firft attack on the 
charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work 
to influence the King and to control the courfe of events 
in New England. His method can be explained in four 
words : Laud hated a Puritan. 

At firft. the fecret connection of Gorges and Morton with 
the events which now enfued is matter of pure furmife. 
There is no direct evidence of it in the records or narra- 
tives. At a later period it becomes more apparent. As a 
matter of furmife, however, bafed on the fubfequent develop- 
ment of events, it feems probable that in February, 1634, the 
attention of the Archbifhop, and through him that of the 
Privy Council, was called to the large emigration then going 
on to New England of " perfons known to be ill-affected and 
difcontented, as well with the civil as ecclefiaftical govern- 
ment." 1 As Gorges himfelf expreffed it, " numbers of people 


1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon. vol. i. p. 338. 

56 Thomas Morton 

of all forts flocked thither in heaps." 1 Several veffels, already 
loaded with paffengers and ftores, were then lying in the 
Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith iffued flaying 
thefe veffels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Com- 
pany's charter. So far as the veffels were concerned it foon 
appeared that the Company was flill not without friends in 
the Council ; and, " for reafons beft known to their Lord- 
fliips," they were permitted to fail. 2 Doubtlefs this deten- 
tion, as the fubfequent more rigid reftraint, was " grounded 
upon the feveral complaints that came out of thofe parts of 
the divers fects and fchifms that were amongft them, all con- 
temning the public government of the ecclefiaflical flate." 
Ratcliff was now looked upon as a lunatic, 3 and Gardiner 
had difappeared. Morton alone remained ; and it is fafe to 
furmife that he was the fountain-head of thefe complaints, 
as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to Laud. 
As refpects the charter, Cradock made reply to the order 
for its production that it was not in his hands, — that Win- 
throp, four years before, had taken it to New England. He 
was directed to fend for it at once. Here the matter refted, 
and to all appearances Gorges had met with one more 
check. The releafe of the veffels was ordered on the lafl 
day of February, 1634. 


1 in. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. vi. p. 80. far as New England hiftory is con- 

2 Mem. Hijl. of Bq/lon, vol. i. p. 338. cerned, may fairly be made an excep- 
The reference here, as at fome other tion to this rule. His knowledge is fo 
places, is to Deane's chapter on "The exhauftive and his accuracy fo great that 
Charter of King Charles I." As a rule, a reference to him I confider juftas good 
in works of this defcription, dealing and as permiffible as a reference to the 
with the fources of hiftory, it is not original authorities. 

permiffible to refer to contemporaneous 8 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *$6, n. 
authorities. Mr. Deane, however, fo 

Of Merry-Mount 5 7 

A new move on the chefs-board was now made by fome 
one. Who that fome-one was is again matter of furmife. 
Hitherto the few matters which from time to time came up, 
relating to the colonies, had been confidered in the full 
Privy Council. There the Maffachufetts Company had 
fhown itfelf a power. Special tribunals, however, were at 
this juncture greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council 
of the North, the Star Chamber, the Court of High Com- 
miffion, were in full operation. To them all political work 
was configned, and in the two laft Laud was fupreme. Up 
to this time, however, the need of any fpecial tribunal to 
look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itfelf felt. 
The hiftorians of New England have philofophized a great 
deal over the confiderations of ftate which, during: the reiom 
of Charles, dictated the royal policy towards New England ; x 
but it is more than doubtful whether confiderations of ftate 
had anything to do with that policy. The remotenefs and 
infignificance of early New England, fo far as the Englifh 
Court was concerned, is a thing not eafy now to realize. It 
may be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave 
a thought to it, much lefs matured a definite or rational pol- 
icy. Their minds were full of more important matters. 
They were intent on queftions of tonnage and poundage, 
on monopolies, and all poffible ways and means of raifing 
money ; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Went- 
worth's Irifh policy, of the Englifh oppofition, and the 
Scotch church fyftem. So far as New England was con- 
cerned they were mere puppets to be jerked to and fro by 


1 Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3. 

58 TJiomas Morton 

the firings of Court influence, — now granting a charter at 
the inftance of one man, and then retraining veffels at the 
inftance of another, — defending " our governor " one day, 
and threatening to have his ears cropped the next. 

In certain quarters it feems now, however, to have been 
decided that this condition of affairs was to continue no 
longer. A fpecial tribunal mould be created, to take charge 
of all colonial matters. This move feems to have grown 
out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to have 
been directed almoft exclufively to the management of 
affairs in New England, whence complaint mainly came. 
Accordingly, on the 10th of April, a commiffion paffed the 
great feal eftablifhing a board with almoft unlimited power 
of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head of it. 
There would feem to be every reafon to affume that this 
tribunal was created at the fuggeftion of Laud, and in con- 
fequence of the undecided courfe purfued by the Council as 
a whole, two months before, in the matter of the detained 
veffels. A further inference, from what went before and 
what followed, is that Lauds action was flimulated and 
fhaped by Gorges. He was the a6tive promoter of com- 
plaints and fcandals from New England. In other words, 
the organization of this colonial board, through Laud's influ- 
ence and with Laud fupreme in it, was Gorges's firft move 
in the next and moft formidable attack on the charter of the 
Maffachufetts Bay. 

The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He 
had no idea of being balked of the prize which it had been 
the dream and the effort of his life to fecure. He meant 
yet to grafp a government for himfelf, and an inheritance 


Of Merry-Moitnt. . 59 

for his children, in New England. So far as the fettlement 
of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years 
had been vainly ruining himfelf to bring about was now 
accomplifhing itfelf ; but it was accomplishing itfelf not only 
without his aid, but in a way which gravely threatened his 
interefts. The people who were fwarming to New England 
refuted to recognize his title, and abufed and expelled his 
agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was 
not equal to dealing with fuch a criiis. It was neceffary to 
proceed through fome other agency. The following fcheme 
was, therefore, ftep by ftep devifed. 

The territory held under the great patent of the Council 
for New England extended from Maine to New Jerfey. 
This whole region was, by the action of the Council, to be 
divided in feveralty among its remaining members, and the 
patent was then to be furrendered to the King, who there- 
upon was to confirm the divifion juft made. 1 The Council 
being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to affume 
the direct government of the whole territory, and was to 
appoint a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
was to be that governor-general. 2 He would thus go out 
to his province clothed with full royal authority ; and 
the iffue would then be, not between the fettlers of Mafla- 
chufetts, acting under the King's charter, and that " carcafs 
in a manner breathlefs," the Council for New England, but 
between a fmall body of difobedient fubjecls and the King's 
own reprefentative. The fcheme was a well-deviled one. 


1 Briefe Narration, in. Mafs. Hill. - Proc. of Amer. Antiq. Soc, 1867, 
Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. Hazard, vol. i. p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 233. Haz- 
p. 390-4. ard, vol. i. p. 347. 

60 Thomas Morton 

It was nothing more nor lefs than the colonial or New Eng- 
land branch of Strafford's " Thorough." It was a part, 
though a fmall part, of a great fyftem. 

The firft ftep in carrying out the programme was to fecure 
the appointment of the Commiffion of April 10. The influ- 
ence of the Archbifhop being affured, there was no difficulty 
in this. The board was compofed of twelve members of the 
Privy Council. Laud himfelf was at the head of it, and with 
him were the Archbifhop of York, the Earls of Portland, 
Manchefter, Arundel and Dorfet, Lord Cottington, Sir 
Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke 
and Windebank. Any five or more of thefe Commiffioners 
were to conftitute a quorum, and their powers were of the 
largeft defcription. They could revoke all charters previ- 
oufly granted, remove governors and appoint others in the 
places of thofe removed, and even break up fettlements if 
they deemed it beft fo to do. They could inflict punifhment 
upon all offenders, either by imprifonment, " or by lofs of life 
or member." It was in fact a commiffion of " right divine." 
It embodied the whole royal policy of King Charles, as for- 
mulated by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The new 
Commiffion was not flow in proceeding to its appointed work, 
and the potency of Gorges's influence in it was fhown by his 
immediate defignation as governor-general. 1 How clofe 
Morton then flood to him may be inferred from the following 
letter, which fhows alfo that he was well informed as to all 
that was going on. 2 It was written exactly three weeks after 



1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. uted to the coft of arrefting Morton in 

2 William Jeffreys was one of the Rob- 1628 and fending him to England. Mor- 
ert Gorges Company. He had contrib- ton, in writing to him, could not but have 


Of Merry-Motmt 6 1 

the appointment of the Commiffion, and was addreffed to 
William Jeffreys at WeffagufTet: — 

My very good Gossip, — If I fhould commend myfelf to you, you reply 
with this proverb, — Propria lausfordet in ore: but to leave impertinent falute, 
and really to proceed. — You (hall hereby underftand, that, although, when I 
was firft fent to England to make complaint againft Ananias and the brethren, 
I effected the bufmefs but fuperficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have 
at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pafs. 
And it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the bufmefs into his own 
hands. The Maffachufetts Patent, by order of the council, was brought in 
view ; the privileges there granted well fcanned upon, and at the council board 
in public, and in the prefence of Sir Richard Saltonftall and the reft, it was 
declared, for manifeft abufes there difcovered, to be void. The King hath 
reaffumed the whole bufmefs into his own hands, appointed a committee of 
the board, and given order for a general governor of the whole territory to be 
fent over. The commiffion is paffed the privy feal, I did fee it, and the fame 
was i mo. Maii fent to the Lord Keeper to have it pafs the great feal for 
confirmation ; and I now flay to return with the governor, by whom all com- 
plainants fhall have relief : 1 So that now Jonas being fet afhore may fafely 


been aware of this ; but not improbably, It was a childifh outbreak of delight and 

during the time of his return to Mount vanity. 

Wollafton in 1630, he had feen more of 1 There is fome confufion about thefe 

Jeffreys, and found that he too, like the dates. The letter itfelf is dated the ift 

reft of the " old planters," looked on the of May, and the commiffion is here faid 

Maffachufetts Company with jealoufy on that day to have paffed the great leal, 

and apprehenfion. At that time, indeed, The commiffioners may have designated 

Jeffreys was in active correfpondence Gorges as governor-general at this time, 

with Gorges, and outfpoken in his com- and ordered a commiffion as fuch to be 

plaints, (iv. Mafs. Hift. Coll., vol. vi. at once made out to him ; but a year 

p. 3.) Hence the familiarity of the ad- later the King's intention of appointing 

drefs. It is apparent from the letter, him was formally announced. {P roc. of 

however, that Morton, when he wrote it, Amer. Antiq. Soc, 1867, p. 120.) The 

was fo fure of his pofition and fo elated probability is that the bufmefs relating 

with a fenfe of his own importance that to the colonies was regarded as of little 

he could not contain himfelf. He could moment and done in the moft carelefs 

not refift the defire to let his old acquaint- and irregular way, hardly a record even 

ances in America know what an impor- of it being kept. Some proceedings were 

tant perfonage he had become, and he thus begun and not carried out, and 

probably hoped they would fhow the other things were done twice, 
letter to Winthrop and every one elfe. 

62 Thomas Morton 

cry, repent you cruel feparatifls, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If 
Jove vouchfafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the feparatifts will fall 
afunder. Repent you cruel fchifmatics, repent. 1 Thefe things have happened, 
and I fhall fee, (notwithftanding their boafting and falfe alarms in the Maffa- 
chufetts, with feigned caufe of thankfgiving,) their mercilefs cruelty rewarded, 
according to the merit of the fact, with condign punifhment for coming into 
thefe parts, like Sampfon's foxes with fire-brands at their tails. 2 The King 
and Council are really poffeffed of their prepofterous loyalty and irregular 
proceedings, and are incenfed againft them : and although they be fo oppo- 
fite to the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or 
at leaftwife, fuffer them to be put in practice to their forrow. In matter of 
reftitution and fatisfaction, more than myftically, it muft be performed vifibly, 
and in fuch fort as may be fubjecl to the fenfes in a very lively image. My 
Lord Canterbury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caufed all Mr. Cradock's 
letters to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, pro- 
tefted againft him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of impofterous 
knaves ; fo that, for all their great friends, they departed the council chamber 
in our view with a pair of cold moulders. I have ftaid long, yet have not 
loft my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes fruftrated ; fo 
that it follows by confequence, I fhall fee my defire upon mine enemies : and 
if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught him to fmg clamavi 
in the Fleet before this time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay 
dear for his prefumption. For here he finds me a fecond Perfeus : I have 
uncafed Medufa's head, and ftruck the brethren into aftonifhment. They 
find, and will yet more to their fhame, that they abufe the word and are to 
blame to prefume fo much, — that they are but a word and a blow to them 
that are without. Of thefe particulars I thought good, by fo convenient a 
meffenger, to give you notice, left you fhould think I had died in obfeurity, 
as the brethren vainly intended I fhould, and bafely praclifed, abufing juftice 
by their finifler practices, as by the whole body of the committee, una voce, 
it was concluded to be done, to the difhonor of his majefty. And as for Rat- 
cliffe, he was comforted by their lordfhips with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's 

ears : 

1 Morton is here quoting from the publifhed until three years later. (See 

New Canaan, (p. *i88) and its very laft Infra, pp. 78-9.) 

page. It would feem, therefore, now to 2 Supra, pp. 44-5. 
have been written, though it was not 

Of Merry-Mount. 63 

ears : which fhows what opinion is held amongft them of King Winthrop with 
all his inventions and his Amfterdam fantaftical ordinances, his preachings, 
marriages, and other abufive ceremonies, which do exemplify his deteftation 
to the Church of England, and the contempt of his majefty's authority and 
wholefome laws, which are and will be eftabliihed in thefe parts, invito, Mi- 
nerva. With thefe I thought fit to falute you, as a friend, by an epiftle, be- 
caufe I am bound to love you, as a brother, by the gofpel, refting your loving 



Dated i Mo. Maii, 1634. 

Morton is always confufed and inaccurate in his ftate- 
ments, and this letter afforded no exception to the rule. It 
is impoffible to be quite fure of what particular occafions he 
refers to in it. He may in the fame breath be fpeaking of 
different things. Whether, for inftance, the hearing to 
which he alludes, at which the patent " was brought in 
view," was the fame or another meeting from that in which 
Cradock's letters were produced, is not clear. It would 
feem as though he were fpeaking of the February hearing 
before the whole Council, and yet he may be defcribing a 
fubfequent hearing in April before the Lords Commiffion- 
ers. He fpeaks of the " council chamber " and of " the whole 
body of the Committee," and then alludes to the prefence of 
Saltonftall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now thefe perfons 
were before the Council in the hearing of 1632, and they 
may all of them, as Cradock certainly was, have been before 
it in February 1634; but Humfrey could hardly have ap- 
peared before the Lords Commiffioners, as he feems to have 


1 This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428- readings do not materially differ, but the 
30 (11. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi.), and punctuation has been corrected and the 
in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *i90-i. The fpelling is modern. 

64 Thomas Morto7i 

failed for New England early in the month during which 
they were appointed. The meeting which Morton defcribes, 
therefore, was probably that of February 28, 1634; and it 
would feem to have favored ftrongly of the Star Chamber 
and High Commiflion. Cradock and Humfrey were appar- 
ently fcolded and abufed by Laud in the ftyle for which he 
was famous, and the admiffion by the former, that the char- 
ter had gone to America, had led to his being called " an 
impofterous knave," and fharply told to fend for it back at 
once. The well-known foibles of the Primate had been 
fkilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop's " Amfler- 
dam fantaftical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and 
other abufive ceremonies ; " and they had much the effect that 
a red flag is known to have on a bull. Nothing was now 
heard of the King's intention of feverely punifhing thofe 
who abufed " his governor ; " but, on the contrary, Ratcliffe 
was " comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears." 
Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expected 
foon to depart. 

Cradock's letter, enclofing the order of the Council for 
the return of the charter, reached Bofton in July. Win- 
throp was then no longer governor, having been difplaced 
by Dudley at the previous May election. As is well known 
to all ftudents of New England hiftory, the famous parch- 
ment, ftill in the office of the fecretary of the Puritan Com- 
monwealth, was not fent back. 1 It is unneceffary, however, 
to here repeat the ftory of the flruggle over it. Prefently 
Governor Edward Window of Plymouth was defpatched to 


1 Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 379, n. 

Of Merry- Mount 65 

England, as the joint agent of the two colonies, to look after 
their endangered interefts. He reached London in the 
autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evafive reply to 
the demand contained in Cradock's letter. 

Window failed in the middle or latter part of July, and a 
few days later, on the 4th of Auguft, 1 Jeffreys came over from 
Weffaguffet to Bofton, bringing to Winthrop the letter which 
he had fhortly before received from Morton. It was the firft 
intimation the magiflrates had of the Commiffion and of the 
appointment of a governor-general. Winthrop communi- 
cated the news to Dudley and the other members of the 
Council, and to fome of the minifters ; and, doubtlefs, for a 
time they all nurfed an anxious hope that the exaggerations 
in the letter were even greater than they really were. The 
General Court met on the 25th of Auguft. While it was 
ftill in feffion, veffels arrived bringing tidings which difpelled 
all doubt, and confirmed everything material that Morton 
had faid. He whom the magiftrates had fo ignominioufly 
punifhed, and fo contemptuoufly driven away, was evidently 
in a polition to know what thofe in authority intended. It 
began to be evident that the Maffachufetts magiftrates had 
undereftimated an opponent. 

A full copy of the Order in Council eftablifhing the board 
of Lords Commiffioners of Plantations, was now received, 
and the colonifts were further advifed, through their private 
letters, that mips were being furnifhed, and foldiers gotten 
ready for embarkation in them. It was given out that thefe 
troops and veffels were intended for Virginia, whither a new 


1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I37> 

66 Thomas Morton 

governor was about to be fent ; but Winthrop wrote that 
in Maffachufetts the preparation was " fufpected to be 
againfl us, to compel us by force to receive a new gov- 
ernor, and the difcipline of the church of England, and the 
laws of the commiffioners. 1 " 

The anfwer which beft expreffed the fpirit of the colony, 
in reply to Laud's threats, was now found, not in the miffive 
which Winflow had in charge, but in the acl of Morton's 
old oppreffor, Endicott, when a few weeks later at Salem he 
cut the red crofs from the ftandard. It was an acl, however, 
which feemed to indicate that there was more truth than 
Winthrop was difpofed to admit in Gardiner and Morton's 
charge that "the minifters and people did continually rail 
againfl the ftate, church and bifhops." 2 Six months of great 
alarm and flrenuous preparation now enfued. Steps were 
taken to get together arms and ammunition, and defences 
were ordered at Dorchefter and Charleftown, as well as at 
Caftle Ifland. The magiftrates were even empowered to 
imprefs laborers for the work. In January the minifters were 
fummoned to Bofhon, and the queftion formally fubmitted to 
them : " What ought we to do if a general governor mould 
be fent out of England ? " The reply was that " we ought 
not to accept him, but defend our lawful poffeffions if we are 
able." In April a rumor of ftrange veffels hovering off 
Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was 
fuppofed that Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his 
train, was at the harbor's mouth. It proved to be a falfe 
alarm, and after that the excitement feems gradually to have 


1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I43- 2 lb., vol i. p. *io2. 

Of Merry -Mount 67 

This was in the fpring of 1635. Meanwhile Winflow had 
reached England fometime early in the previous autumn. 
Though he had not brought the charter with him, its pro- 
duction does not feem to have been again immediately 
called for. He probably held out confident affurances that 
it would be fent over in the next veffel, as foon as the 
General Court met ; but it is alfo probable that, in view of 
the courfe which had now been decided upon, an examina- 
tion of it was no longer deemed neceffary. The enfuing 
fpring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by Gorges and 
Mafon as the time for decifive action. The charter was 
then to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New Eng- 
land with a force fufficient to compel obedience. All this, 
however, implied confiderable preparation. Shipping had 
to be provided in the firft place. A large veffel was accord- 
ingly put upon the flocks. Rumor faid, alfo, that the new 
governor-general was to take out with him a force of no lefs 
than one thoufand foldiers. 1 Whether this was true or not, 
there can be little doubt that all through the winter of 
1634-5 active preparations were on foot in England in- 
tended againft the Maffachufetts colony. 

Befides watching thefe proceedings Winflow had other 
bufinefs in London which required his appearance before the 
Lords Commiffioners. He had prefented to them a petition 
on behalf of the two colonies for authority to refift certain 
Dutch and French encroachments. This proceeding Win- 
throp had not thought well advifed, 2 as he very fhrewdly 
argued that it implied an abfence of authority without fuch 


1 Autobiography of Sir Simonds 2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I72. 
UEwes, vol. ii. p. 118. 

68 Thomas Morton 

fpecial authorization, and might thus be drawn into a prece- 
dent. Window, however, had none the lefs fubmitted the 
petition, and feveral hearings were given upon it. Fully 
advifed as to everything that was going on before the Lords 
Commiffioners, Gorges did not favor this move. It author- 
ized military or diplomatic action, the conduct of which by 
right belonged to him as governor-general of the region 
within which the action was to be taken. He accordingly 
went to work to circumvent Window. What enfued throws 
a great deal of light on Morton's {landing at the time, and 
the ufe that was made of him ; and it alfo explains the fig- 
nificance of certain things in the New Canaan. 

Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving 
fpirit of the Lords Commiffioners. His word was final in 
the Board. Upon him Gorges depended to work all his re- 
mits ; which included not only his own appointment as 
governor-general, with full power and authority as fuch, 
but alfo the neceffary fupply of men and money to enable 
him to eftablidi his fupremacy. To fecure thefe ends it was 
neceffary to play continually on the Primate's didike of the 
Puritans, and his intenfe zeal in behalf of all Church forms 
and ceremonies, including the ufe of the Book of Common 
Prayer. The whole political and hidorical dgnificance of 
the New Canaan lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet de- 
figned to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and 
came very near being productive of lading refults. Dedi- 
cated in form to the Lords Commiffioners, it was charged 
with attacks on the Separatifts, and datements of the con- 
tempt diown by them to the Book of Common Prayer. 
Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices 


Of Merry-Mount 69 

in New England, which was clearly defigned for the fpecial 
enlightenment of the Archbifhop. 1 In this chapter it is fet 
down as the firft and fundamental tenet of the New Eng- 
land church " that it is the magistrate's office abfolutely, and 
not the minifter's, to join the people in lawful matrimony ;" 
next, that to make ufe of a ring in marriage is a relic of 
popery ; and then again " that the Book of Common Prayer 
is an idol ; and all that ufe it idolaters." It now remains to 
mow how cunningly, when it came to queflions of ftate, Laud 
was worked upon by thefe Statements, and what a puppet he 
became in the hands of Gorges and Morton. 

Window's fuit had profpered. He had fubmitted to the 
Lords Commiffioners a plan for accomplishing the end 
defired without any charge being impofed on the royal 
exchequer, and he was on the point of receiving, as he 
fuppofed, a favorable decifion. Suddenly the fecret firings 
were pulled. Bradford belt tells the flory of what enfued. 

" When Mr. Window fhould have had his fuit granted, (as indeed upon the 
point it was,) and fhould have been confirmed, the Archbifhop put a ftop 
upon it, and Mr. Window, thinking to get it freed, went to the Board again. 
But the Bifhop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mafon had, as it feems, pro- 
cured Morton to complain. To whofe complaints Mr. Window made anfwer 
to the good fatisfaclion of the Board, who checked Morton, and rebuked him 
fharply, and alfo blamed Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mafon for countenanc- 
ing him. But the Bidiop had a further end and ufe of his prefence, for he 
now began to queftion Mr. Window of many things, as of teaching in the 
church publicly, of which Morton accufed him and gave evidence that he 
had feen and heard him do it ; to which Mr. Window anfwered that fome- 
times (wanting a minifter) he did exercife his gift to help the edification of 
his brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then 
about marriage, the which he alfo confeffed, that, having been called to place 


1 Infra, pp. * 172-9. 

70 Thomas Morton 

of magiftracy, he had fometimes married fome. And further told their lord- 
fhips that marriage was a civil thing, and he found nowhere in the word of 
God that it was tied to miniftry. Again they were neceffitated fo to do, 
having for a long time together at firft no minifter; befides, it was no new 
thing, for he had been fo married himfelf in Holland, by the magiftrates in 
their Stadt-Houfe. But in the end, to be fhort, for thefe things the Bifhop, by 
vehement importunity, got the Board at laft to confent to his commitment. 
So he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there feventeen weeks, or therea- 
bout, before he could get to be releafed. And this was the end of this peti- 
tion and this bufmefs ; only the others' defign was alfo fruftrated hereby, with 
other things concurring, which was no fmall bleffmg to people here." * 

For the time being, however, " the others' defign," as Brad- 
ford defcribes Gorges's fcheme, fo far from being fruftrated, 
moved on moft profperoufly. All the friends and agents 
of the colony were now driven from the field. Cradock, 
Saltonftall and Humfrey had departed the council-chamber 
with " a pair of cold moulders." Window was a prifoner. 
Morton had demonftrated that his boaft in the letter to Jef- 
freys, that he would make his opponents " fing clamavi in 
the Fleet," was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated 
his power. Gorges's courfe was now clear, and his plan 
developed rapidly. At a meeting of thofe ftill members 
of the Council for New England, held at Lord Gorges's 
houfe on the 3d of February, 1635, the next flep was taken. 
The redivifion of the feacoaft was agreed upon. It was 
now divided into eight parcels, inftead of twenty as at the 
original abortive divifion of 1623; and thefe parcels were 
affigned to eight feveral perfons, among whom were the 
Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Earls of 
Arundel, Carlifle and Sterling. Arundel alone of thefe was 


1 Bradford, pp. 329-30. 

Of Merry-Mount 7 1 

one of the Lords Commiffioners. Gorges received Maine 
as his portion ; and Mafon got New Hampfhire and Cape 
Ann. Maffachufetts, fouth of Salem, was affigned to Lord 

The divifion thus agreed on was to take effect fimultane- 
oufly with the formal furrender by the Council of its great 
patent. Ten weeks later, on the 18th of April, at another 
meeting at Lord Gorges's houfe, a paper was read and en- 
tered upon the records, in which the reafons for furrender- 
ing the patent were fet forth. At a fubfequent meeting on 
the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it 
was prayed that feparate patents might be iffued fecuring to 
the affociates in feveralty the domains they had affigned to 
each other. A declaration from the King was alfo then 
read, in which the royal intention of appointing Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges governor-general of New England was for- 
mally announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the 
Primate did not propofe " to fuffer fuch numbers of people to 
run to ruin, and to religious intents to languifh, for want of 
timely remedy and fovereign affiftance." Curioufly enough, 
alfo, this typically Laudian fentiment was enunciated at 
Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon which, 
on the other fide of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fifliermen 
had brought in word of ftrange veffels hovering myfte- 
rioufly upon the coaft, caufmg the Governor and affirmants 
to hurry to Bofton and an alarm to be fpread through all 
the towns. 1 

Before proceeding to eject the prefent occupants of the 


1 Supra, p. 66. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i$7. 

72 Thomas Morto7i 

New England foil, or to force them to fome compromife as 
an alternative thereto, it remained for the grantees of the 
now defunct Council to perfect their new titles. Proceed- 
ings to this end were not delayed. The divifion had been 
agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of 
April the new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days 
later Thomas Morton was " entertained to be folicitor for 
confirmation of the faid deeds under the great feal, as alfo 
to profecute fuit at law for the repealing of the patent be- 
longing to the Maffachufetts Company. And is to have for 
fee twenty millings a term, and fuch further reward as 
thofe who are interefted in the affairs of New England mall 
think him fit to deferve, upon the judgment given in the 
caufe." A month later, on the 7th of June, 1635, the formal 
furrender of its patent by the Council took place. 1 

Morton, however, was not deftined to land at Boflon in 
the train of Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5 
was a mere repetition, on a larger and more impreffive fcale, 
of the effort of 1623. The latter had refulted in the abor- 
tive Robert Gorges expedition, and the former now fet all 
the courts at Weftminfter in folemn action. Neither of 
them, however, came to anything. They both failed, alfo, 
from the fame caufe, — want of money. The machinery in 
each cafe was impofmg, and there was a great deal of it. 
Seen from New England it mufl have appeared fimply over- 
powering. The King, the Primate, the Lords Commiffion- 
ers, the Attorney General, the Court of King's Bench, the 
Great Seal, and a governor-general reprefenting the Duke 


1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. Mem. Hijl. of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 341. 

Of Merry-Mount j$ 

of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel, 
Carlifle and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work 
together to bring about the deftruction of an infant colony. 
When, however, it came to accomplishing anything in a 
practical way, it grew apparent by degrees that behind all 
this tremendous difplay of machinery there was nothing but 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, — an active-minded, adventurous 
foldier, {killed in Court ways, perfiftent and full of refource, 
but with fmall means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining 
means from others. When it became therefore a qUeflion 
of real action, calling for the finews of war, the movement 
flopped dead in 1635, juft as it had flopped in 1623. In 
1635 it is true, Gorges had the affiftance of Captain John 
Mafon, who was an energetic man with means at his com- 
mand, and it was through him that a fliip was to be pro- 
vided. 1 The building of this fhip, however, without doubt 
{trained to the utmoft the refources of all concerned; and 
when, in launching, it fuffered a mifhap, again probably 
from infufficient means, they could not make the damage 
good. The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges's 
own purfe. The King was living on benevolences, and on 
fines levied upon the great nobles for encroachments on the 
royal forefts. The writs to collect fhip-money were iffued 
in this very year. The next year public offices were fold. 
Under thefe circumftances no affiftance could for the pref- 
ent be looked for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble 
affociates, among whom the New England coaft had juft 
been parcelled out, while perfectly willing to accept great 


1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *i6i, *i87. 

74 Thomas Morton 

domains in America, they would venture nothing more to 
take actual poffeffion of them in 1635 than they had ven- 
tured in 1623. Nothing at all was to be obtained from that 
quarter. Speaking of Gorges and Mafon, and the failure 
of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, " The Lord 
fruftrated their dengn." This was the pious way of putting 
it. In point of fact, however, the real fafety of Maffachu- 
fetts now depended on more homely and every-day consid- 
erations. Gorges and Mafon could not raife the money abfo- 
lutely neceffary to carry their defign out. 

Neverthelefs, though this delay was difappointing, there 
was no occahon for defpair. Things moved flowly; that 
was all. Gorges reprefented the New England part of that 
royal fyftem which was to ftand or fall as a whole. In the 
fpring and fummer of 1635 it looked very much as if it 
was deftined to ftand. There was then no thought of a 
parliament at Court, or expectation of one among the pat- 
riots. The crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which 
would enable the King to levy taxes to fuit himfelf. Went- 
worth had brought Ireland into a ftate of perfect fubjection. 
Laud was fupreme in England. The profpects for " Thor- 
ough " were never fo good. If " Thorough " prevailed in 
England it would in Maffachufetts. There could be no 
doubt of that. Meanwhile, though lack of ready means 
had put it out of Gorges's power to go to New England at 
once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. In 
June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King's Bench a 
writ of quo wwranto againft the Maffachufetts Bay Com- 
pany. This was the work which Thomas Morton had a 
month before been " entertained to profecute," and the 


Of Merry-Mount 75 

promptnefs of the attorney-general would feem to indicate 
that on Morton's part at leafl there was no failure in activ- 
ity. The plan was to fet the charter afide, not becaufe of 
any abufe of the powers lawfully conferred in it, but on 
the ground that it was void ab initio. Every title to land 
held under it would thus be vitiated. In anfwer to the fum- 
mons fome of the original affociates came in and pleaded, 
while others made default. Cradock made default. In his 
cafe, therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or 
September term, 1635, and the charter was declared void, 
all the franchifes conveyed in it being refumed by the King. 1 
This portion of the legal work in hand, therefore, that 
more particularly entrufted to Morton, feems to have been 
promptly and efficiently done. As refpecls the patents for 
the domains granted under the laft partition, things do not 
feem to have moved fo rapidly, for towards the clofe of No- 
vember a meeting of the affociates of the now diffolved 
Council was held at the houfe of Lord Sterling, and a vote 
paffed that fteps mould be taken to get patents to the 
individual patentees paffed the feals as foon as poffible. 
Morton was in fact, reminded of his duties. 

A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He 
himfelf was now an elderly man, verging clofe upon feventy 
years. 2 He could not have been as active and as ener- 

1 Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. Mem. Hijl. was among the prifoners taken by Fair- 
of Boflon, vol. i. p. 343. fax when he ftormed Briftol in Septem- 

2 In January, 1640, Richard Vines ber, 1645. (ill. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. 
wrote to Governor Winthrop, of Sir Fer- iii. p. 342.) He mull, however, have 
dinando, that he was then "nere 80 then been a very old man, as fifty-four 
yeares ould." (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. years before, in 1591, he had diftin- 
vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be cor- guifhed himfelf at the fiege of Rouen, 
reel;, however, as fubfequently he ferved in Effex's Englifh contingent. (Deve- 
on the royal fide in the civil wars, and reux's Earls of Effex, vol. i. p. 271). 

76 Thomas Morton 

getic as he once had been, and even his fanguine difpo- 
fition mufl have felt the ufual depreffing influence of hope 
long deferred. Mafon had of late been the mainftay of 
his enterprife. Only a year before, that refolute man had 
fent out a large expedition, numbering fome feventy men, to 
Pifcataqua, and he was contemplating extenfive explorations 
towards Lake Champlain. Morton eulogized him as a " very 
good Commonwealth's man, a true fofter-father and lover of 
virtue," x and Winthrop referred to him as " the chief mover 
in all the attempts againft us." 2 In December, 1635, Mafon 
died, 3 and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death 
which led to that meeting of the Council at which the fpeedy 
iffuing of the individual patents was urged. However this 
may be, the lofs of Mafon feems to have been fatal to Gor- 
ges's hopes ; it was the lopping off of the right arm of his 
undertakings. From that time forward there was obvioufly 
no fource from which he could hope to get the money 
neceffary to enable him to effedt anything, except the royal 
treafury. Of this, for two or three years yet, until the 
Scotch troubles deftroyed the laft chance of the fuccefs of 
the (hip-money fcheme, there feemed a very good profpecl:. 
Gorges, however, could not afford to wait. His remaining 
time was fhort. Accordingly, after Mafon's death, little is 
heard of him or of the Lords Commiffioners. 

During the next feven years, confequently, the traces of 
Morton are few. There is a paffing glimpfe obtained of 
him in March, 1636, through a letter from Cradock to Win- 

1 Infra, *98. alfo referred to in the fame work, vol. 

2 See further on this fubject, Win- ii. p. *I2. 

throp, vol. i. pp. *i6i, *i87 ; which is 8 Hazard, vol. i. p. 400. 

Of Merry-Mount, 7 7 

throp, 1 from which it appears he was then in London and 
actively fcheming againft the Maffachufetts Company. He 
would feem at this time to have been in the pay of one 
George Cleaves, a man of fome importance and fubfe- 
quently quite prominent in the early hiftory of Maine. 
Cleaves apparently had propofed fome fcheme to Cradock 
touching the Maffachufetts Company, and Morton came to 
fee him about it. Thereupon Cradock fays, " I having no 
defire to fpeak with Morton alone put him off a turn or 
two on the exchange, till I found Mr. Pierce," etc. Fur- 
ther on in the fame letter he fpeaks of his " greyffe and 
difdayne " at the abufe heaped on the Company, and of the 
" heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M. ; " and adds, 
" God forgive him that is the caufe of it." 

Early in 1637, and in confequence probably of the quo 
warranto proceedings, a commiflion of fome fort would 
appear to have been granted to certain perfons in New 
England for the government of that country. 2 How or under 
what circumflances this was obtained is nowhere told. 
There is a myftery about it. Gorges afterwards affured 
Winthrop that he knew nothing of it, 3 and only a copy ever 
reached America, the original, Winthrop fays, being " ftaid 
at the feal for want of paying the fees." He further fays 
that Cleaves procured this commiffion, as alfo a fort of 
patent, or, as he calls it, " a protection under the privy fignet 
for fearching out the great lake of Iracoyce." From all 
this it would appear that the whole thing was fome impotent 
and inconfequential move on the part of Morton ; for not 


1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 127. 3 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 330. 

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *z^i. 

78 Thomas Morton 

only does Winthrop fay that the document was " ftaid at the 
feal," but Cradock wrote that the matter in reference to 
which Morton wanted to fee him, on behalf of Cleaves, re- 
lated to paying the charge " in taking out fomewhat under 
the feale." Gorges fpeaks of Morton as being at that time 
Cleaves's agent ; and in the New Canaan, which either had 
juft been published or was then in the prefs, there is a 
glowing account of the " great lake Erocoife," and its bound- 
lefs wealth of beaver, 1 to which apparently the imaginative 
author had directed Cleaves's attention fufBciently to in- 
duce him to take out the " protection " which Winthrop 
alludes to. 

The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of 
King Charles and of Archbifhop Laud, and confequently of 
Gorges and Morton. Up to that time everything had gone 
fufficiently well, if not in Maffachufetts, at leaft in England, 
Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, however, the fyftem began 
to break down ; giving way firft, as would naturally enough 
be the cafe, at its weakeft point. This was in Scotland, where 
the attempt to force Epifcopacy on the people refulted 
in the famous " flony Sabbath " on the 23d of July. The 
New Canaan was probably going through the prefs during 
the deceitful period of profound calm which preceded that 
eventful day. Though now publifhed, there is ftrong inter- 
nal evidence that the book was written in 1634. Not only 
does this appear from the extract from its lalt page in the 
letter to Jeffreys, already referred to, 2 but in another place 3 
there is reference to the expedition of Henry Joffelyn for 


1 Infra, *96-ioo. 8 Infra, *98. 

2 Supra, 62, n. 

Of Merry-Mount. 79 

the more complete difcovery of Lake Champlain, which is 
mentioned as then in preparation. Henry Joffelyn left 
England about the time Morton was writing to Jeffreys, or 
a little earlier, and reached Pifcataqua in June, 1634. 1 
Mafon, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living, 
and as having fitted out the expedition of Joffelyn. Mafon, 
however, it has already been feen, died in December, 1635. 
Written confequently after May, 1634, the New Canaan, it 
would feem, received no revifion later than 1635. ^ repre- 
fented Morton's feelings during the time when he was moft 
confident of an early and triumphant return to New Eng- 
land. It was publifhed juft when the affairs of Charles and 
Laud were at their full flood, and before the tide had begun 
to ebb. 

No mention is found of the New Canaan at the time of 
its publication. It is not known, indeed, that a fingle copy 
was fent out to New England. Though it muft have caufed 
no little comment and fcandal among the friends and cor- 
refpondents of the colonifts, there is no allufion to it in their 
publifhed letters or in the documents of the time, and in 1644 
Winthrop apparently had never feen it. Bradford energeti- 
cally refers to it as " an infamoufe and fcurillous booke 
againft many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie ; full 
of lyes and flanders, and fraight with profane callumnies 
againft their names and perfons, and the ways of God." 2 A 
copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to Ply- 
mouth by one of the agents of the colony, and there paffed 
from hand to hand. It does not appear, however, that at 


1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *I37. 2 Bradford, p. 254. 

So Thomas Morton 

the time it attracted any general or confiderable notice in 
America ; while in England, of courfe, it would have inter- 
ested only a fmall clafs of perfons. 

There is one fignificant reference which would feem to 
indicate that the publication of the New Canaan was not 
agreeable to Gorges. However much he might attack the 
charter of the Maffachufetts Company, Sir Ferdinando al- 
ways iliowed himfelf anxious to keep on friendly terms with 
the leading men of the colony. In the Brief e Narration 
he takes pains to fpeak of " the patience and wifdom of 
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others 
their affiftants ; " * and with Winthrop he was in correfpon- 
dence, even authorizing him and others to act for him in 
Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop after- 
wards defcribed him as "pretending by his letters and 
fpeeches to feek our welfare ; " 2 but he evidently had always 
in mind that he was to go out fome day to New England 
as a eovernor-o^eneral, and that it would not do for him to 
be too openly hoftile to thofe over whom he propofed to rule. 
He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he had 
occafion to write to Winthrop in Auguft, 1637, though he 
made no reference to the New Canaan, which had probably 
been publifhed early in the year, he took pains to fay that 
Morton was " wholely cafheered from intermedlinge with 
anie our affaires hereafter." 3 

It is however open to queftion whether, in making this 
fhatement, Gorges was not praclifing a little of that king- 
craft for which his mafter, James I., had been fo famous. In 


1 in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 81. 8 IV. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I2. 331. 

Of Merry-Mount 8 1 

1637 Morton may have been in difgrace with him ; but if 
fo it was a paffing difgrace. Four years later, in 1641, Sir 
Ferdinando, as " Lord of the Province of Maine," indulged 
his paffion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal 
charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formi- 
dable document of great import, this momentous ftate paper 
was figned and delivered by the Lord Paramount, much as 
an Englifh fovereign might have granted a franchife to his 
faithful city of London ; and accordingly it was counter- 
figned by three witneffes, one of them a member of his own 
family. Firft of the three witneffes to fign was Thomas 
Morton. 1 He evidently was in no difgrace then. 

With the exception of this fignature to the Acomenticus 
charter, there is no trace to be found of Morton between 
Auguft 1637, when Gorges wrote that he had " cafheered " 
him, and the fummer of 1643, when he reappeared once 
more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things 
evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud, 
from bad to worfe. Once only had the Lords Commiffioners 
given any figns of life. This was in the fpring of 1638, 
when on the 4th of April the Board met at Whitehall. The 
record of the meeting ftates that petitions and complaints 
from Maffachufetts, for want of a fettled and orderly govern- 
ment, were growing more frequent. This is very poffible, 
for the Antinomian Controverfy was then at its height, 
and indeed, the very day the Lords Commiffioners met, Mrs. 
Hutchinfon, having left Bolton in obedience to Governor 
Winthrop's mandate a week before, was on her way to join 


1 Hazard, vol. i. p. 474. 

82 Thomas Morto7t 

her hufband and friends in Rhode Ifland. Under thefe cir- 
cumftances, calling to mind the futile order for the return of 
the charter, fent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and 
taking official notice of the refult of the quo warranto pro- 
ceedings, the Board refolved upon a more decided tone. 
The clerk in attendance was inftructed to fend out to Maffa- 
chufetts a peremptory demand for the immediate furrender 
of the charter. It was to be fent back to London by the 
return voyage of the veffel which carried out the miffive of 
the Board ; " it being refolved," fo that miffive ran, " that 
in cafe of any further neglecl or contempt by them fhewed 
therein, their Lordfhips will caufe a Uriel; courfe to be 
taken againfl them, and will move his Majefty to reaffume 
into his own hands the whole plantation." l 

If, as was probably the cafe, Morton was the fecret mover 
of this aclion, it proved to be his laft effort. It was com- 
pletely fruitlefs alfo. When the order reached Bofton, fome- 
time in the early fummer of 1638, it naturally caufed no 
little alarm, for the apprehenfion of a general governor 
had not yet difappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April, 
" a general faft [had been] kept through all the churches, by 
advice from the Court, for feeking the Lord to prevent evil 
that we feared to be intended againft us from England by a 
general governor." 2 With the miffive of the Lords Com- 
miffioners, however, came alfo tidings of " the troubles which 
arofe in Scotland about the Book of Common Prayer and 
the canons which the King would have forced upon the 
Scotch churches." 3 The refult was that in Auguft, inftead 


1 Hutchinfon's State Papers., p. 106. 3 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266. 

2 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264- 

Of Merry- Mount 83 

of fending out the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direc- 
tion of the General Court, wrote " to excufe our not fending 
of it ; for it was refolved to be beft not to fend it." 1 

Archbifhop Laud molefted the colony no further. Doubt- 
lefs Morton yet endeavored more than once to ftir him up 
to action, and the next year he received from New England 
other and bitter complaints of the fame character as thofe 
which had come to him before. This time it was the Rev. 
George Burdet — a difreputable clergyman, fubfequently a 
thorn in Gorges's fide as now in that of Winthrop — who 
wrote to him. The haraffed and anxious Primate could, 
however, only reply that " by reafon of the much bufmefs 
now lay upon them, [the Lords Commiffioners] could not 
at prefent . . . redrefs fuch diforders as he had informed 
them of." 2 Events in England and Scotland were then 
moving on rapidly as well as fteadily to their outcome, and 
Maffachufetts was bidden to take care of itfelf. 

Nothing more is heard of Morton until the fummer of 
1643. The Civil War was then dragging along in its earlier 
flages, before Fairfax and Cromwell put their hands to it. 
It was the fummer during which Prince Rupert took Brifhol 
and the flrft battle of Newbury was fought, — the fummer 
made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland. 
Gorges had identified himfelf with the Royalift fide, and now 
Morton feems to have been fairly ftarved out of England. 
When or how he came to Plymouth we do not know ; but, 
on the nth of September, Edward Winilow, whom he had 
eight years before " clapte up in the Fleete," 3 thus wrote to 

Winthrop : — 

" Concerning 

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *26g. 2 lb., p. *298. 3 Bradford, p. 375. 

8 4 

Thomas Morton 

" Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he fhould winter here, 
but begone as foon as winter breaks up. Captain Standifh takes great offence 
thereat, efpecially that he is fo near him as Duxbury, and goeth fometimes a 
fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the leaft refpecl amongft our peo- 
ple, liveth meanly at four fhillings per week, and content to drink water, fo 
he may diet at that price. But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth 
the while to deal with him till we fee it. The truth is I much queftion his 
pretended employment ; for he hath here only fhowed the frame of a Com- 
mon-weale and fome old fealed commiffions, but no infide known. As for 
Mr. Rigby if he be fo honeft, good and hopefull an inftrument as report 
paffeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arranteft known 
knaves that ever trod on New Englifh fhore to be his agents eaft and weft, 
as Cleaves and Morton : but I fhall be jealous on him till I know him better, 
and hope others will take heed how they truft him who invefteth fuch with 
power who have devoted themfelves to the ruin of the country, as Morton 
hath. And for my part, (who if my heart deceive me not can pafs by all the 
evil inftrumentally he brought on me,) would not have this ferpent ftay 
amongft us, who out of doubt in time will get ftrength to him if he be fuffered, 
who promifeth large portions of land about New Haven, Narraganfett, &c, 
to all that will go with him, but hath a promife but of one perfon who is old, 
weak and decrepid, a very atheift and fit companion for him. But, indeed, 
Morton is the odium of our people at prefent, and if he be fuffered, (for we 
are diverfely minded,) it will be jufl with God, who hath put him in our hands 
and we will fofter fuch an one, that afterward we fhall fuffer for it." 1 

The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander 
Rigby, an Englifh gentleman of wealth who, befides being 
a ftrong Puritan, was a member of the Long Parliament, 
and at one time held a commiffion as colonel in the army. 
Cleaves was the George Cleaves already mentioned as having 
come out in 1637, with a protection under the privy fignet. 2 
He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but fubfe- 


1 iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 175. 2 Supra, p. 77. 

Of Merry-Mount. 8 5 

quently he had got poffeffion in Maine of the " Plough patent," 
fo called, under which the title to a large part of the prov- 
ince was claimed adverfely to Gorges. 1 This patent Cleaves 
induced Rigby to buy, and the latter was now endeavoring 
to get his title recognized, and ultimately fucceeded in fo 
doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, enjoyed the reputation 

of being " a firebrand of diffenfion," 2 and the two had long 
acted together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to the 
Royalift fide, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretend- 
ing at Plymouth to be his agent or under his protection. 
So he feems to have tried to pafs himfelf off as a Common- 
wealth's man, commiffioned by Rigby to act in his behalf. 
Window was probably quite right in fufpecting that this was 
all a pretence. Rigby's claim was for territory in Maine. It 
is not known that he ever had any interefts in Rhode Ifland 
or Connecticut. There can, in fhort, be little doubt that 
Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down, 
difreputable, old impoftor, with fome empty envelopes and 
manufactured credentials in his pocket. 

At Plymouth, as would naturally be fuppofed, Morton 
made no headway. But the province of Maine was then in 
an uneafy, troubled condition, and there was reported to be 
a firong party for the king in the neighborhood of Cafco 
Bay. Thither accordingly Morton feems to have gone in 
June, 1644. 3 His movements were clofely watched, and En- 
dicott was notified that he would go by fea to Gloucefter, 



1 See Mr. Deane's note on the riofities of Literature, vol. iii. p. 488) 

" Plough patent," in iv. Mafs. Hijl. gives a fingular anecdote of Rigby. 

Coll., vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Alfo the note 2 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vii. p. 343. 

on Cleaves, lb. p. 363. D'Ifraeli (Cu- 3 iv. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 148. 

86 Thomas Morton 

hoping to get a paffage from thence to the eaftward. A 
warrant for his arreft was at once defpatched, but apparently 
he eluded it ; nor if he went there, which, indeed, is doubt- 
ful, did Morton long remain in Maine. In Auguft he was 
in Rhode Ifland, and on the 5th of that month he is thus 
alluded to in a letter from Coddington to Winthrop : — 

" For Morton he was [infinuating] who was for the King at his firft com- 
ing to Portfmouth, and would report to fuch as he judged to be of his mind 
he was glad [to meet with] fo many cavaliers ; . . . and he had lands to 
difpofe of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape Ann to Cape Cod 
was one. . . . And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] value of two hun- 
dred pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But Morton would let it 
reft till the Governor came over to right him ; and did intimate he knew 
whofe roaft his fpits and jacks turned." 1 

Profpering in Rhode Ifland no more than at Plymouth, 
Morton is next heard of as a priibner in Bofton. How he 
came within the clutches of the Maffachufetts magiflrates is 
not known ; his neceffities or his affurance may have carried 
him to Bofton, or he may have been pounced upon by Endi- 
cott's officers as he was furtively paffing through the prov- 
ince. In whatever way it came about, he was in cuftody on 
the 9th of September, juft five weeks from the time of Cod- 
dington's letter to Winthrop, and the latter then made the 
following entry in his Journal : 2 — 

" At the court of affiftants Thomas Morton was called forth prefently after 
the lecture, that the country might be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceed- 
ing againft him. There was laid to his charge his complaint againft us at 
the council board, which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill 
exhibited by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were charged with 
treafon, rebellion, etc., wherein he was named as a party or witnefs. He 

1 Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, n. 2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i8q. 

Of Merry- Mount. Sy 

denied that he had any hand in the information, only was called as a witnefs. 
To convince him to be the principal party, it was mowed : i . That Gardiner 
had no occafion to complain againft us, for he was kindly ufed and difmiffed 
in peace, profefTing much engagement for the great courtefy he found here. 
2. Morton had fet forth a book againft us, and had threatened us, and had 
profecuted a quo warranto againft us, which he did not deny. 3. His letter 
was produced, 1 written foon after to Mr. Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and 
intimate friend." 

This paffage is chara6teriftic both of the man and of the 
time. The prifoner now arraigned before the magiftrates 
had, fourteen years before, been arrefted, and banifhed ; he 
had been fet in the flocks, all his property had been confif- 
cated, and his houfe had been burned down before his eyes. 
He had been fent back to England, under a warrant, to ftand 
his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. In 
England he had been releafed from imprifonment in due 
courfe of law. Having now returned to Maffachufetts, he 
was brought before the magiftrates, " that the country might 
be fatisfied of the juftice of our proceeding againft him." 
As the refult of this proceeding, which broke down for want 
of proof, the alleged offender is again imprifoned, heavily 
fined, and narrowly efcapes a whipping. Under all thefe 
circumftances, it becomes interefting to inquire what the 
exact offence alleged againft him was. It was ftated by Win- 
throp. He had made a " complaint againft us at the council 

" The council board " thus referred to was the royal Privy 
Council. It reprefented the king, the fupreme power in 
the itate, the fource from whence the charter of the Maffachu- 

1 Supra, 61-3. 

88 Thomas Morton 

fetts Bay Company was derived. The complaint, therefore, 
charged to have been made, was made to the common fupe- 
rior, and it alleged the abufe, by an inferior, of certain powers 
and privileges which that fuperior had granted. It would 
feem to have been no eafy taik for the magiftrates to point 
out, either to the prifoner or to the country it was propofed 
to fatisfy, any prefcriptive law, much lefs any penal ftatute, 
which made a criminal offence out of a petition to the 
acknowledged fupreme power in the ftate, even though that 
petition fet forth the alleged abufe of charter privileges. 

But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever 
even fuggefted itfelf to Winthrop and his affociates. It 
does not feem even to have been urged upon them by the 
prifoner. On the contrary he appears to have accepted the 
inevitable, and practically admitted that a complaint to the 
king was in Maffachufetts, as Burdet had fome years before 
afferted, " accounted a perjury and treafon in our general 
courts," 1 punifhable at the difcretion of the magiftrates. 
Morton, therefore, denied having made the complaint, and 
the magiftrates were unable to prove it againft him. The 
moit fmgular and unaccountable feature in the proceedings 
is that the New Canaan was not put in evidence. Appar- 
ently there was no copy of it to be had. Could one have 
been produced, it is fcarcely poffible that the avowed author 
of the libellous ftrictures on Endicott, then himfelf governor, 
fhould have efcaped condign punifhment of fome fort from 
a bench of Puritan magiftrates. But Winthrop merely men- 
tions that he had " fet forth a book again!! us," and Mave- 

1 Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298. 

Of Merry -Mount. 89 

rick fays that this was denied and could not be proved. 1 Had 
a copy of the New Canaan then been at hand, either in 
Bofton or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have 
proved who " fet [it] forth " beyond poffibility of denial. 

The only entry in the Maffachufetts records relating to 
this proceeding is as follows : — 

" For anfwer to Thomas Morton petition, the magiftrates have called him 
publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he denies ; and 
therefore they think fit that further evidence be fent for into England, and 
that Mr Downing may have inftructions to fearch out evidence againft him, 
and he to lie in prifon in the mean time, unlefs he find fufficient bail." 2 

This entry is from the records of the General Court, held 
in November 1644. Among the unpublifhed documents in 
the Maffachufetts archives is yet another petition from Mor- 
ton, bearing no date, but, from the endorfement upon it, evi- 
dently fubmitted to the General Court of May, 1645, fix 
months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as 
follows : — 

To the honored Court at Bofton affembled: 

The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prifoner. 

Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to caft back 
your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath fuffered in thefe 

Firft, the petitioner's houfe was burnt, and his goodes taken away. 

Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and fent home in a defperat fhip, 
unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which appeared con- 
trary when he came there. 

Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleafed to con- 
fider what is laid againft him : (taking it for granted to be true) which is 
not proved : whether fuch a poore worme as I had not fome caufe to crawle 
out of this condition above mentioned. Thirdlv 

1 N. Y. Hifl. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 40. 2 Records, vol. ii. p. 90. 

90 Thomas Morton 

Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his actions 
lately towards New England, whether they have not been ferviceable to 
fome gentlemen in the country ; but I will not praife my felfe. 

Fourthly, the petitioner coming into thefe parts, which he loveth, on 
godly gentlemen's imployments, and your worfhipps having a former jelofy 
of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner has been im- 
prifoned manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying of his Limbs ; 
Let your petitioner finde foe much favoure, as to fee that you can paffe by 
former offence, which finding the petitioner hopes he fhall ftand on his 
watch to doe you fervice as God fhall enable him. 

Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone, 
appear the following endorfements : — 

The houfe of Deputies defire the honored magifbrates to return them a 
reafon, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the laft quarter 
Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former petition pre- 
sented to the Courte by him. 


The reafon why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of evi- 
dence out of England againft him which we expect by the next fliip. 


The houfe of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain 

Jennifon to treate with the honored magistrates about this petition of 



Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton's 
petition was thus referred had, in former years, been one of 
his followers at Merry- Mount. He was a man of ability 
and energy, the whole of whofe lingular career, as traced in 
an interefting note of Palfrey's, will not bear a too clofe 
fcrutiny. 1 At the time of Morton's arreft by Miles Standifh, 


1 Hift. of New England, vol. ii. p. 225. 

Of Merry-Mount 9 1 

in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of thofe belonging to the 
Merry-Mount company who had then "gone up into the in- 
lands to trade with the favages." 1 During that fummer he 
experienced religion in a quite unexpected way, and now, in 
1645, while his old mafter was rotting in the Bofton jail, Gib- 
bons was a profperous merchant, a deputy to the General 
Court, and "chief military officer of the train-band of the 
town." Higher military honors and fevere bufinefs viciffi- 
tudes were in ftore for him. It nowhere appears whether 
under thefe circumftances Major Gibbons had either the 
will or the ability to be of fervice to his former chief, and 
Winthrop is the only authority for what remains of Morton's 
ftory. It is foon told. 

" Having been kept in prifon about a year in expectation of further evi- 
dence out of England, he was again called before the court, and after fome 
debate what to do with him, he was fined ioo pounds, and fet at liberty. 
He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought not 
fit to inflict corporal punifhment upon him, being old and crazy, but thought 
better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his 
fine, but indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of the jurifdiction, as 
he did foon after, and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and 
defpifed, he died within two years after." 2 

Morton himfelf afferted that the harfh treatment he 
underwent in prifon, while waiting for that evidence from 
England which was to convict him of fome crime, broke 
down his health and haftened his end. If he was indeed, 
as Maverick fubfequently ftated, 3 kept in jail and, as he 
himfelf fays, in irons, through an entire New England 


1 Infra, *I38. 8 New York Hijl. Soc. Coll., 1869, p. 40. 

2 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *\yi. 

92 Thomas Morton 

winter, on the prifon fare of thofe days, and without either 
fire or bedding, this feems wholly probable. 

There was about Thomas Morton nothing- that was 
remarkable. On the contrary he was one of a clafs of men 
common enough in the days of Elizabeth and the Stuarts 
to have found their way into the literature of the period, as 
well as into that more modern romance which undertakes to 
deal with it. It is the Alfatian Squire and Wildrake type. 
Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Roy- 
alift libertine, thrown by accident into the midft of a Puritan 
community. He was unable or unwilling to accept the 
fituation, or to take himfelf off; and hence followed his 
misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in 1625, or even in 
1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have lived 
in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing 
behind to indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he 
will receive a mention in every hiftory of America. 

More recently alfo certain inveftigators, who have ap- 
proached the fubje6t from a Church of England point of 
view, have fhown fome difpofition to adopt Morton's caufe 
as their own, and to attribute his perfecution, not to his 
immoral life or illicit trade, but to his devotion to the Book 
of Common Prayer. 1 It is another article in the long im- 
peachment of the founders of New England, and it has 
even been alleged that " it ftill remains for Maffachufetts to 
do juftice to Morton, who had his faults, though he was not 


1 " It is undeniable that Morton be- Book." (Mag. of Amer. Hijl., vol. viii. 
came an object of averfion largely for p. 83.) 
the reafon that he ufed the Prayer 

Of Merry-Mount. 93 

the man his enemies, and notably Bradford, declared him 
to be." l 

The New Englifli Canaan is the beft and only conclufive 
evidence on this point. In its pages Morton very clearly 
fhows what he was, and the nature of " his faults." He 
was a born Bohemian, and as he paffed on in life he became 
an extremely recklefs but highly amufing old debauchee and 
tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbifhop Laud 
was the head of the board of Lords Commiffioners. On 
the action of that board depended all the author's hopes. 
In view of this fact, there are, in the New Canaan, few more 
delightful or characleriftic paffages than that in which, de- 
fcribing his arreft by Standifh, Morton announces that it was 
" becaufe mine hofh was a man that endeavored to advance 
the dignity of the Church of England ; which they, on the 
contrary part, would labor to vilify with uncivil terms ; envy- 
ing againft the facred Book of Common Prayer, and mine 
hoft that ufed it in a laudable manner amongft his family 
as a practice of piety." 2 

The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this 
paffage was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an 
awkward piece of work of it. The, fudden tone of fancti- 
mony which he infufes into the words quoted, hardly covers 
up the leer and gufto with which he had juft been defcribing 
the drunkennefs and debauchery of Merry-Mount, — how 
" the good liquor " had flowed to all comers, while " the laffes 


1 White's Memoirs of the Protejlant 2 Infra, *I38. See, alfo, *50, 332, 
Epifcopal Church, p. xxii. n. See alfo note 2. 
Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, pp. 

94 Thomas Morton 

in beaver-coats " had been welcome " night and day ; " how 
" he that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their 
nofes out of joint; " and how that " barren doe " became fruit- 
ful, who is myfterioufly alluded to as a " goodly creature of 
incontinency " who had " tried a camp royal in other parts." 
Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it has been 
afferted that the Maffachufetts magiftrates " invented . . . in- 
finuations refpecling [Morton's] treatment of [the Indian] 
women, whom, in reality, he had fought to inftrucT: in the 
principles of religion," 1 — though this and other fimilar 
affertions have been made with apparent gravity, yet it is 
impoffible to read the third book of the Neiv Canaan, fatu- 
rated as it is with drunkennefs, ribaldry and fcofflng, with- 
out coming to the conclufion that Don Quixote, Rabelais 
and the Decameron are far more likely to have been in re- 
queft at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common 

Not that the New Canaan is in itfelf an obfcene or even 
a coarfe book. On the contrary, judged by the ftandard of 
its time, it is Angularly the reverfe. Indeed it is almoft 
wholly free from either word or allufion which would offend 
the tafte of the prefent day. Yet the writer of the New 
Canaan was none the lefs a fcoffer, a man of undevout 
mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church 
of England and its ritual was the caufe of his arreft by the 
Plymouth authorities, the anfwer is obvious and decifive. 
Blackftone was an Epifcopalian, and a devout one, retaining 
even in his wildernefs home the canonical coat which told of 


1 Mag. of A met '. Hijl., vol. viii. p. 89. 

Of Merry- Mount. 95 

his calling. 1 Maverick and Walford were Epifcopalians ; 
they lived and died fuch. The fettlers at Weffaguffet were 
Epifcopalians. In the dwellings of all thefe the religious 
fervices of the times, cuftomary among Epifcopalians, were 
doubtlefs obferved, for they were all religious men. Yet not 
one of them was ever in any way molefted by the Plymouth 
people ; but, on the contrary, they one and all received aid 
and encouragement from Plymouth. Epifcopalians as they 
were, they all joined in dealing with Morton as a common 
enemy and a public danger ; and fuch he unqueftionably 
was. It was not, then, becaufe he made ufe of the Common 
Prayer that he was firft driven from the Maffachufetts Bay ; 
it was becaufe he was a nuifance and a fource of danger. 
That fubfequently, and by the Maffachufetts authorities, he 
was dealt with in a way at once high-handed and oppreffive, 
has been fufflciently fhown in thefe pages. Yet it is by no 
means clear that, under fimilar circumftances, he would not 
have been far more feverely and fummarily dealt with at a 
later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought 
into ufe an unwritten code, which evinced even a lefs regard 
for life than, in Morton's cafe, the Puritans evinced for 
property. 2 

As a literary performance the New Canaan, it is unnecef- 


1 Wonder-Working Providence,^. 30. any great offence. His fun, his fongs 

2 " Such a rake as Morton, fuch an and his revels were provoking enough, 
addle-headed fellow as he reprefents no doubt. But his commerce with the 
himfelf to be, could not be cordial with Indians in arms and ammunition, and 
the firft people from Leyden, or with his inftruclions to thofe favages in the 
thofe who came over with the patent, ufe of them, were ferious and danger- 
from London or the Weft of England, ous offences, which ftruck at the lives 
I can hardly conceive that his being a of the new-comers, and threatened the 
Churchman, or reading his prayers from utter extirpation of all the plantations." 
a Book of Common Prayer, could be {Notes of John Adams, 1802.) 

96 Thomas Morton 

fary to fay, has furvived through no merits of its own. While 
it is, on the whole, a better written book than the Wonder- 
Working Providence, it is not fo well written as Wood's 
Profpecl ; and it cannot compare with what we have from the 
pens of Smith or Gorges, — much lefs from thofe of W r inf- 
low, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is 
amazing how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of 
events and places now full of interefl, could have fat down 
to write about them at all, and then, after writing fo much, 
have told fo little. Rarely ftating anything quite correctly, 
— the moft carelefs and flipfhod of authors, — he took a 
pofitive pleafure in concealing what he meant to fay under 
a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the New 
Canaan fell ftill-born from the prefs, the only contemporane- 
ous trace of it which can be found in Englifli literature 
being Butler's often quoted paffage in Hudibras, in which 
the Weffaguffet hanging is alluded to. 1 It is even open to 
queflion whether this reference was due to Butler's having 
read the book. The paffage referred to is in the fecond 
part of Hudibras, which was not publifhed until 1664, 
twenty-feven years after the publication of the New Canaan. 
It is perfectly poffible that Butler may have known Morton ; 
for in 1637 the future author of Hudibras was already 
twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London 
for fix or feven years after that. There are indications that 
he knew Ben Jonfon ; 2 and, indeed, it is fcarcely poffible that 
with his fenfe of humor and convivial taftes Morton mould 
not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at 


1 Infra, 249-52, and note. 2 Infra, 290, note. 

Of Merry-Mount 97 

the Mermaid. If he and the author of Hudibras ever did 
chance to meet, they muft have proved congenial fpirits, for 
there is much that is Hudibraftic in the New Canaan. Not 
impoflibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New England 
hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the 
reminifcence of a paffage he had read in fome forgotten 
book, but as a vague recollection of an amufing flory which 
he had once heard Morton tell. 

It is, indeed, the author's fenfe of humor, jufl alluded to, 
which gives to the New Canaan its only real diftinclion 
among the early works relating to New England. In this 
refpecl it ftands by itfelf. In all the reft of thofe works, one 
often meets with paffages of fimplicity, of pathos and of 
great defcriptive power, — never with anything which was 
both meant to raife a fmile, and does it. The writers feemed 
to have no fenfe of humor, no perception of the ludicrous. 
Bradford, for inftance, as a paffage " rather of mirth than 
of weight," defcribes how he put a flop to the Chriftmas 
games at Plymouth in 162 1. There is a grim folemnity in 
his very chuckle. Winthrop gives a long account of the 
penance of Captain John Underhill, as he flood upon a ftool 
in the church, " without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled 
clofe to his eyes," and " blubbering," confeffed his adultery 
with the cooper's wife. 1 Yet he evidently recorded it with 
unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that " two of 
our minifters' fons, being ftudents in the college, robbed two 
dvvelling-houfes, in the night, of fome 15 pounds. Being 
found out, they were ordered by the governors of the col- 


1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *I4- 

98 Morton of Merry-Mount 

lege to be there whipped, which was performed by the 
prefident himfelf — yet they were about twenty years of 
age." l If Morton had recorded this incident, he could not 
have helped feeing a ludicrous fide to it, and he would have 
expreffed it in fome humorous, or at leaft in fome grotefque 
way. Winthrop faw the ferious fide of everything, and the 
ferious fide only. In this he was like all the reft. Such 
folemnity, fuch everlafting confcioufnefs of refponfibility to 
God and man, is grand and perhaps impreffive ; but it 
grows wearifome. It is pleafant to have it broken at laft, 
even though that which breaks it is in fome repects not 
to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable. 
Among what are called Americana, therefore, the New 
Canaan is and will always remain a refrefhing book. It is 
a connecting link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have 
to remind us that in literature, alfo, Bradford and Winthrop 
and Cotton were Englifhmen of the time of Shakefpeare and 
Jonfon and Butler. 

1 Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *i66. 

It remains only to fpeak of the bibliography of the New 
Canaan, which at one time excited fome difcuffion, and of 
the prefent edition. Written before the clofe of 1635, the 
New Canaan was printed at Amfterdam in 1637. It has 
been reprinted but once, — by Force, in the fecond volume of 
his American Trails. The prefent is, therefore, the fecond 
reprint, and the firft annotated edition. For a number of 
years it was fuppofed that copies of the book were in ex- 
igence with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of 
Charles Greene, and the date of 1632. 1 This fuppofition 
was, however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winfor 
in the Harvard University Library Bulletins (Nos. 9 and 10, 
1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be partially, at leaf!:, 
groundlefs. It was due to the fact, that Force made his 
reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the 
Library of Congrefs. That copy lacked a portion or the 
whole of the titlepage ; and the miffing parts feem to have 
been fupplied, without mention of the fact being made, from 
the entry of the book under 1632 in White Kennet's Biblio- 
thecce Americans Primordia. Apparently the error origi- 
nated in the following way. The New Canaan was en- 
tered for copyright in the Stationers' Regiflers in London, 
November 18, 1633, m behalf of Charles Greene, the prin- 
ter. There is no reafon to fuppofe that it was then com- 

1 See Deane's note to Bradford, p. 254. 

ioo Thomas Morton 

pleted, as it may have been entered by its title alone. If it 
was, however, completed in part in 1633, the internal evi- 
dence is conclufive that it was both revifed 1 and added to 2 
as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commit 
fioners for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally 
dedicated, was not created until April 10th of that year. 
Greene did not print the book; though, as will prefently 
be feen, a certain number of copies may poffibly have been 
ftruck off for him with titlepages of their own. The entry 
in the Stationers' Regifters was, however, afterwards dis- 
covered, and feems then to have fupplied by inference the 
date of publication, which could not be learned from cer- 
tain copies, the titlepages to which were defective or want- 
ing. The dates given in Lowndes's Manual would feem to 
be (imply incorrect:. 3 Meanwhile, for reafons probably of 
economy, though notice of publication had been given in 
London, the book was actually printed in Holland, and the 
regular titlepage reads : " Printed at Amfterdam by Jacob 
Frederick Stam, in the year 1637." There are copies, how- 
ever, the titlepages of which read : " Printed for Charles 
Greene, and are fold in Pauls Churchyard," no date being 
given. 4 It is not known that thefe copies differ in any other 
refpect from thofe bearing the ufual imprint. The conclu- 
fion, therefore, would feem to be that, as already flated, a 
number of copies may have been ftruck off for Greene 
with a diftinct titlepage. Properly fpeaking, however, there 


1 Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin, 4 Mr. DeCofta fays that the title- 
No. 10, p. 244. page of the copy in the Library of the 

2 Supra, pp. 78-9. Society for the Propagation of the 
8 Mag. of Amer. Hift., vol. viii. p. Gofpel reads in this way. Mag. of 

94, n. Amer. Hifl., vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4. 

Of Merry-Mou7 / it. i o i 

feems to have been but one edition of the book. With the 
exception of the Force titlepage, which has been fliown 
to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy being 
in exiftence bearing an earlier date than the ufual one of 
Amfterdam, 1637. 

Copies of the New Canaan are extremely rare. Savage, 
in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. # 34), faid that he had 
then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, "which was 
owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams." It is from that 
copy that the prefent edition is printed. Mr. Adams pur- 
chafed it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was 
that copy alfo which was temporarily depofited in the Bofton 
Athenaeum in 18 10, as mentioned in the Monthly Anthology 
of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the Hai-vard 
Univerjity Library Bulletin, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. 
George Whitney, in his Hi/lory of Quincy written in 1826, 
fays (p. 11) that another "copy was lately prefented to the 
Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus 
Mafon Harris." * In addition to thele, fome dozen or twenty 
other copies in all are known to exiffc in various public and 
private collections in America and Europe, feveral of which 
are enumerated in the Library Bulletin juft referred to. 

Very many of the errors both in typography and punctua- 
tion, with which the New Canaan abounds, are obvioufly due 
to the fact that it was printed in Amfterdam. The original 
manufcript it would feem was no more legible than the manu- 


1 This copy was in the Adams Li- other volumes and almoft innumerable 

brary for many years, and until within a autographs, which formerly lent a pecu- 

<mite recent period. It cannot, however, liar value to the John Adams Collection, 

now (1882) be found. It would appear to given by him in 1822 to the town of 

have been ftolen, together with many Quincy. 

102 Thomas Morton 

fcript of that period, as it has come down to us, is ufually 
found to be. At beft it was not eafy to decipher. The 
copy of the New Canaan was then put in the hands of a 
compofitor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with Englifh; 
and, if the proof-fheets were ever corrected by any one, they 
certainly were not corrected by the author or by a proof- 
reader really familiar with his writing, or even with the 
tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly pen flourifhes were 
miftaken for punctuation marks, and thefe were inferted 
without any regard to the context ; familiar words appeared 
in unintelligible fhapes; 1 fmall letters were miftaken for cap- 
itals, and capitals for fmall letters, and one letter was con- 
founded with another. In addition to thefe numerous mif- 
takes in deciphering and following the manufcript, ordinary 
typographical errors are not uncommon ; though in this 
refpect the New Canaan is lefs marked by blemifhes than 
under the circumftances would naturally be fuppofed. 

Neither is this explanation of the curioufly bad prefs- 
work of the New Canaan a mere conjecture. One other 
compofition of Morton's has come down to us in the letter 
to Jeffreys, preferved by Winthrop. 2 Let any one compare 
this letter with a chapter from the New Canaan, and he will 
fee at once that, while both are manifeftly productions from 
the fame pen, they have been preferved under wholly differ- 
ent circumftances. Take, for inftance, the following identi- 
cal paffages, — the one from the New Canaan and the other 
from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will fufficiently illuftrate 

this point. 


1 " Mint and cumin" uniformly appears as "muit and cummin;" humming- 
bird" as " hunning-bird." 2 Ante, pp. 61-3. 

Of Merry-Mount. 



Savage's Winthrop, vol. ii. p.* 190. 

So that now Jonas being fet afhore 
may fafely cry, repent you cruel fep- 
aratifts, repent, there are as yet but 
forty days. If Jove vouchfafe to 
thunder, the charter and kingdom of 
the feparatifts will fall afunder. Re- 
pent you cruel fchifmatics, repent. 


Book hi. Chapter 31. 

And now mine Hoft being merrily 
difpofed, haveing paft many perillous 
adventures in that defperat Whales 
belly, beganne in a pofture like Ionas, 
and cryed Repent you cruell Seperat- 
ifts repent, there are as yet but 40. 
dayes if love vouchfafe to thunder, 
Charter and the Kingdome of the 
Seperatifts will fall a hinder : Repent 
you cruell Schifmaticks repent. 

The letter to Jeffreys is curioufly chara&eriitic of Morton. 
It is written in the fame inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic 
ftyle as the New Canaan. It is, however, perfectly intelligi- 
ble and even energetic. The reafon is obvious. It was cor- 
rectly copied by a man who underftood what the writer was 
faying. Accordingly it is as clear as Winthrop's own text. 
The New Canaan would have been equally clear had it been 
deciphered at the compofitor's form by a man with Win- 
throp's familiarity with Englifh. 

There is fome reafon to think that the fancy for exact 
reproduction in typography has of late years been carried to 
an extreme. Not only have peculiarities of fpelling, capital- 
ization and type, which were really characteriftic of the paft, 
been carefully followed, but abbreviations and figures have 
been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined to 
manufcripts, and are certainly never found in the better 
printed books of the fame period. It is certainly defirable in 


104 Thomas Morton 

reprinting quaint works, which it is not fuppofed will ever 
pals into the hands of general readers, to have them appear 
in the drefs of the time to which they belong. Indeed they 
cannot be modernized in fpelling, the ufe of capitals, or 
even, altogether, in punctuation, without lofing fomething 
of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good 
reafon why grofs and manifeft blunders, due to the igno- 
rance of compofitors and the careleffnefs of proof-readers, 
mould be jealoully perpetuated as if they were facred things. 
This affuredly is carrying the fpirit of faithful reproduction 
to fanaticifm. It is Chinefe. 

The rule followed, therefore, in the prefent edition has 
been to reproduce the New Canaan as it appeared in the 
Amfterdam edition of 1637, correcting only the punctuation, 
and fuch errors of the prefs as are manifeft and unmiftaka- 
ble. Very few changes have been made in the ufe of capi- 
tals, and thofe only where it is obvious that a letter of one 
kind in the copy was miftaken by the compofitor for a letter 
of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of 
page *I4, where " Captaine Davis' fate," in the author's 
manufcript, is made to appear as " Captain Davis Fate," in 
the original text. The compofitor evidently miftook the 
fmaliyj written with the old-fafhioned flourifh, for an initial 
capital. The fpelling has in no cafe been changed except 
where the error, as in the cafe already cited of " muit " for 
" mint," is manifeftly due to printers' blunders. Miftakes of 
the prefs, fuch as " legg " for " logg " (p. *jj) and " vies " for 
"eies " (p. % i 52), have been made right wherever they could 
be certainly detected. 

No conjectural readings whatever have been inferted in 


Of Merry- Mount i o 5 

the text. The few paffages, not more than four or five in 
number, in which, owing probably to the failure of the com- 
pofitor to decipher manufcript, the meaning of the original 
is not clear, are reproduced exactly. No liberties whatever 
have been taken with the original edition in thefe cafes, and 
all gueffes which are indulged in as to the author's mean- 
ing, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the 
notes. In a few places the text is obvioufly deficient. 
Words neceffary to the meaning are omitted in printing. 
Wherever thefe have been conjecturally inferted, the inferted 
words are in brackets. In a very few cafes, words, which 
could clearly have found their way into the original only 
through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is 
called in the notes to every fuch omiffion. 

The effort in the prefent edition has, in fhort, been to 
make it a reproduction of the New Canaan ; but the repro- 
duction was to be an intelligent, and not a fervile one. 



Containing an Abftra£t of New England, 

Compofed in three Bookes. 

The firft Booke fetting forth the originall of the Natives, their 

Manners and Cuftomes, together with their traceable Nature and 

Love towards the Englifh. 

The fecond Booke fetting forth thenaturall Indowments of the 

Country , and what ftaple Commodities it 


The third Booke fetting forth , what people are planted there, 

their profperity , what remarkable accidents have happened fince the firft 

planting of it, together with their Tenents and praclife 

of their Church. 

Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Innegent, upon tenne 

yeares knowledge and experiment of the 


Printed at AMSTERDAM, 

In the Yeare 1637. 


To the right honorable, the Lords and 

others of his Majefties molt honorable privy Coun- 
cell, Commiffioners, for the Government of all his 
Majefties forraigne Provinces. 1 

Right honorable, 

He zeale which I beare to the advauncement of 
the glory of God, the honor of his Majefty, and 
the good of the weale publike hath incouraged 
mee to compofe this abftract, being the modell 
of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country 
worthy the Title of Natures Mafterpeece, and may be loft 
by too much fufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet 
# all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring # 4 
from thence, where I have indevoured my beft, bound 
by my allegeance, to doe his Majefty fervice. This in all hu- 
mility I prefent as an offering, wherewith I proftrate my felfe 
at your honorable footftoole. If you pleafe to vouchfafe it 
may receave a blefhng from the Lufter of your gracious 
Beames, you fhall make your vaffaile happy, in that hee yet 
doth live to fhew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to 
facrifice his deareft blood, as becometh a loyall fubjedt, for 
the honor of his native Country. Being 

your honors humble vaffaile 

Thomas Morton. 

1 In regard to the Board of Lords bard (pp. 264-8) and in Bradford (pp. 

Commiffioners of 1634, fee supra, 57- 456-8), together with notes by Harris 

60. The royal letter patent in the orig- in his edition of the former, and by 

inal Latin is in Hazard, vol. i., pp. 344- Deane in the latter. 
7. There are translations of it in Hub- 


The Epiftle to the Reader. 


Prefent to the publike view an abftract of New 
England, which I have undertaken to compofe 
by the incouragment of fuch genious fpirits as 
have been ftudious of the inlargment of his 
Majefties Territories ; being not formerly fatif- 
fied by the relations of fuch as, through hafle, have taken 
but a fuperficiall furvey thereof : which thing time hath ena- 
bled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to 
give a more exact accompt of what hath been required. I 
have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to com- 
municat the knowledge which I have gained and collected 
together, by mine owne obfervation in the time of my many 
yeares refidence in thofe parts, to my loving Country men : 
For the better information of all fuch as are defirous to be 
made partakers of the bleffmgs of God in that fertile 
* 8 Soyle, as well as thofe * that, out of Curiofity onely, have 
bin inquifitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I 
have obferved how divers perfons (not fo well affected to the 
weale publike in mine opinion), out of refpect to their owne 
private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practife of the 
people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country 
concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have 
abundantly in this difcourfe layd open : yet if it be well 
accepted, I (hall efteeme my felfe fufficiently rewardded for 
my undertaking, and reft, 

Your WellwiJJier. 

Thomas M o r t o n . 
1 10 

In laudem Authoris. 

Excufe the Author ere the worke be fhewne 

Is accufation in it felfe alone ; 

And to commend him might feeme overfight ; 

So divers are th' opinions of this age, 

So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne ftage, 
That hard his tafke is that muft pleafe in all : 
Example have wee from great Caefars fall. 
But is the fonne to be diflik'd and blam'd, 
Becaufe the mole is of his face afham'd ? 
The fault is in the beaft, not in the fonne ; 
Give ficke mouthes fweete meates, fy ! they relifh none. 
But to the found in cenfure, he commends 
His love unto his Country ; his true ends, 
To modell out a Land of fo much worth 
As untill now noe traveller fetteth 1 forth ; 
Faire Canaans fecond felfe, fecond to none, 
Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne. 
Then here furvay what nature hath in ftore, 
And graunt him love for this. He craves no more. 

R. O. Gen. 

1 [feth.] Wherever in this edition an corrected, the mifprinted word, as it 
apparently obvious mifprint in the text appears in the original, is printed be- 
of 1637 has been, as in the prefent cafe, tween brackets as a foot-note. 


Sir Chriftoffer Gardiner, Knight. 1 

In laudem Authoris. 

His worke a matchles mirror is, that fliewes 
The Humors of the fcperatijle, and thofe 
So truely perfonated by thy pen. 
I was amazd to feet ; herein all men 
May plainely fee, as in an inter -lude, 
Each actor figure ; and the fcczne well view'd 
hi Cornicle* Tragic k, and in a pafiorallflrife? 
For tyth of mint x and Cummin, fJiewes tJieir life 
Nothing but oppofltion gainfl the right 
Of f acred Majeflie : men full of fpighl, 
Goodnes abufeing, turni7ig vertue out 
Of D ores, to whipping, flocking, and fell bent 
To plotting mifcheife gainfl the innocent, 
Burning their houfes, as if ordained by fate, 
Infpight of Lawe, to be made ruinate. 
This tafke is well perform d, and patience be 
Thy prefent comfort, and thy conflancy 
Thine honor ; and this glafje, where it fJiall coine, 
Shall ' fiing thy praifes till the day of doo7ne. 

Sir C. G. 

1 In regard to Sir Chriftopher Gardi- 8 [Jlife.~] 
ner, fee infra, *l82-4 and note. i [mutt.] 

2 \Connick.~\ Szcfiipra, m, note i. 


In laudem Authoris. 

Vt that I rather pitty, I confeffe, 
The praclife of their Church, I could expreffe 
Myfclfe a Satyrifl, whofe f mar ting fangcs 
Should Jlrike it with a palfy, and the panges 
Beget a feare to tempt the Majejly 
Of thofc, or mortall Gods. Will they defie 
The Thundring Jove ? Like children they defire, 
Such is their zeale, to f port themf elves with fire : 
So have I feene an angry Fly prefume 
Toflrike a burning taper, and confume 
His feeble wings. Why, in an airefo milde, 
Are they fo mo7ifirous growne up, andfo vilde, 
That Salvages can of themf elves efpy 
Their errors, brand their names with infamy ? 
What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirfl ? 
Will they be over head and eares a curfl ? 
A cruel I way to found a Church on! noe, 
T'is not their zeale but fury blinds them foe, 
And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne, 
And offer up the facrifice of Kain. 
Jonas, thou hafl done zuell to call thefe men 
Home to repentance, with thy paincfull pen. 

F. C. Armiger. 





The Atithors Prologue. 

<> ' 

jF art and induftry fliould doe as much 
As Nature hath for Canaan, not fuch 
Another place, for benefit and reft, 
In all the univerfe can be poffeft. 
The more we proove it by difcovery, 
The more delight each objecl: to the eye 
Procures ; as if the elements had here 
Bin reconcil'd, and pleaf'd it fliould appeare 
Like a faire virgin, longing to be fped 
And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed, 
Deck'd in rich ornaments t' advaunce her ftate 
And excellence, being moft fortunate 
When moft enjoy'd : fo would our Canaan be 
If well imploy'd by art and induftry ; 
Whofe offspring now, fhewes that her fruitfull wombe, 
Not being enjoy'd, is like a glorious tombe, 
Admired things producing which there dye, 
And ly faft bound in darck obfcurity : 
The worth of which, in each particuler, 
Who lift to know, this abftracl will declare. 






The firfl Booke. 

Containing the originall of the Natives, their 
manners & Cuftomes, with their tractable 
nature and love towards the Englifh. 

Chap. I . 

Prooving New England the principall part of all America, 
and mojl commodious and fitt for habitation. 

He wife Creator of the univerfall Globe 
hath placed a golden meane betwixt two ex- 
treames ; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt 
the hote and cold; and every Creature, that 
participates of Heavens bleffings with in 
the Compaffe of that golden meane, is made moft * apt * 12 
and fit for man to ufe, who likewife by that wifedome is 
ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe maybe his glaffe, 
to teach him how to ufe moderation and difcretion, both in 


1 1 6 New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 

his actions and intentions. The wife man fayes, give mee 
neither riches nor poverty ; why ? Riches might make him 
proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty defpaire like lobs 
wife ; but a meane betweene both. So it is likewife in the 
v/eofvegeta- ufe of Vegetatives, that which hath too much Heate or too 


much Colde, is faid to be venenum : fo in the ufe of fenfi- 
tives, all thofe Animals, of what genus or fpecies foever they 
be, if they participate of heate or cold in the fuperlative are 
faid to be Inimica natures, as in fome Fifhes about the I fie 
of Sail, and thofe Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes ; 
their participatinge of heate and cold, in the fuperlative, is 
Fijh poy/onous made moft manifeft, one of which poyfoned a whole Ships 
I/ sal/. ' company that eate of it. 1 And fo it is in Vipers, Toades, and 
Snakes, that have heate or cold in the fuperlative degree. 

Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold 
in a meane, are beft and holfomeft : And fo it is in the choyfe 
of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is beft, 
and it is therefore called Zona temperata, and is in the 
Zona tempera- golden meane ; and all thofe landes lying under that Zone, 
melne. Golden moft requifite and fitt for habitation. In Cofmography, the 
two extreames are called, the one Torrida Zona, lying be- 

1 The Ifle of Sail appears on the map fifhes of the waters about the ifland of 

in the Geography of Peter Heylyn, Lon- Cuba. The difeafe produced by eating 

don, 1674, as one of the Cape Verde poifonous fifli is called ciguatera, and the 

Iflands. It is called in the text Infula fifh itfelf is faid to be ciguato. All that 

Salis, and on other old maps Ifle of Sal, is definitely known about the matter 

or Ilha do Sal. There are fome ten ifl- feems to be that quite a large number 

ands in the group. Profeffor J. D. Whit- of fpecies of fifh in that region are be- 

ney writes that feveral iflands are known lieved to be liable to fome difeafe, the 

by the name of Sail, and that the one re- nature and courfe of which is unknown ; 

ferred to by Morton is probably that off and that thofe who eat the fifh thus dif- 

the north fliore of Cuba. "A good deal eafed are themfelves liable to be at- 

has been written about the poifonous tacked by the malady called ciguatera." 

New EnglifJi Canaan. 1 1 7 

tweene the Tropickes, the other Frigida Zona, lying neare 
the poles : all the landes lying under either of thefe 
Zones, by reafon they doe participate too * much of * 13 
heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompa- 
nied with many evils. And allthough I am not of opinion 
with Ariftotle, 1 that the landes under Torrida Zona are 
altogether uninhabited, I my felfe having beene fo neare 
the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith 
and feene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that 
it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fifh 
and Flefh both will taint in thofe partes, notwithftanding 
the ufe of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by Salt abound- 
natures hande-worke ; And that is a great hinderance to the et T ro p" c ks'. 
fettinge forth and fupply of navigation, the very Sinewes of 
a florifhing Commonwealth. Then barrenneffe, caufed 
through want of raines, for in mofl of thofe partes of the 
world it is feldome accuftomed to raine untill the time of the 
Tornathees (as the Portingals 2 phrafe is, who lived there) and 
then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moifture Raine 40. 
ferveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe ^"between] 
which time is feene no raine at all : the heate and cold, and c £££ randthe 
length of day and night, being much alike, with little differ- 
ence. And thefe raines are caufed by the turning of the 
windes, which elfe betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade, 


1 Morton here apparently refers at to as having been vifited by him, were 
fecond hand to Ariftotle's refume 6i the in the neighborhood of the Weftern and 
ancient belief of five zones, two only of Cape Verde Iflands. In his time the 
which were habitable. Meteorologica, word tornado had probably not been 
B. II. ch. v. § 11. adopted into the Englifh language, and 

2 From this paffage it would appear in writing it Morton gives to the letter 
that the Ifle of Sail and the tropical wa- d the peculiar Weftern Ifland or Portu- 
ters, which Morton in this chapter refers guefe pronunciation. 

1 1 8 New Englifh Canaan. 

that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer 
it is conftantly North-Eaft, and next the Tropicke of Capri- 
corne it is Southwell ; fo that the windes comming from the 
Poles, do keepe the aire in thofe partes coole, and make it 
temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for thofe and 

other inconveniences. 
*I4 * This Torrida Zona is good for Grafhoppers : and 

Zona Temperata for the Ant and Bee. But Frigida 
Zona [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of 
Capt. Davis Captaine Davis fate is manifeft, who in his inqueft of the 
Northweft paffage for the Eaft India trade was frozen to 
death. 1 And therefore, for Frigida Zona, I agree with Arif- 
totle that it is unfit for habitation : 2 and I know by the 
GroeneLand Courfe of the cseleftiall globe that in Groeneland, many De- 
haUtation. °* grees fhort of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by 
reafon of the Sunns abfence almoft fix monethes, and the 
land under the continuall power of thefroli; which thinge 
many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experi- 
ence of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the hiftory. 
I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an 
India mine. * , 

1 Morton here confounds Davis with "fate," probably, which Morton had in 

Hudfon. Davis's three voyages were mind. No other noted difcoverer of the 

made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the firft Northweft Paffage was loft prior to 1634. 

of them that he difcovered the ftraits The difcovery of that paffage, however, 

which bear his name. He afterwards then excited as active an intereft as it 

made five voyages to the Eaft Indies, in has fince, or does now. In 1632 Ed- 

the laft of which he was killed in a fight ward Howes fent out to Governor Win- 

with fome Japanefe on the coaft of Ma- throp a printed " Treatife of the North- 

lacca. Hudfon made four voyages be- Weft Paffage " (iv. Mafs. Hift. Coll., 

tween 1607 and 1610, during the laft of vol. vi. p. 480) which is ftill in the library 

which he paffed a winter, frozen in, near of the Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society, 
the entrance to Hudfon Bay. His crew 2 The phrafe in the Meteorologica {itbi 

mutinied, and turned him adrift in an fupra, 1 17, note I.) is, " the parts under 

open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He the Bear (i.e., north) by cold are unin- 

was never heard of again ; and it is his habitable." 

New Englijli Canaan. 1 1 9 

And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, 
fo it is likewife to be found under the Antarticke Pole ; yet 
what hazard will not an induftrious minde and couragious 
Ipirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet : Impiger extre- 
mes currit Mcrcator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens, 
perfaxa, per ignes} And all to gett and hord up like the 
Ant and the Bee ; and yet, as Salomon faith, 2 he cannot tell 
whether a foole or a wife man mall enjoy it. Therefore let 
us leave thefe two extreames, with their inconveniences, and 
indeavour to finde out this golden meane, fo free from any 
one of them. Behold the fecret wifedome of allmighty 
God, and love unto our Salomon, to raife a man of a lardge 
hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or 
Loadftarre, that doth point out* unto the Englifh * 15 
Nation with eafe and comfort how to finde it out. 
And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando sir Ferdinan- 
Gorges, 3 Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of ^rigiZfi \aufe 

ln'c °f plantings 

1 Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, 
Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per faxa, per ignes. 

Horace, Efiifl. 1. 11. 45-6. 

2 " 18. Yea, I hated all my labor which itary and naval life, and in 1591 ferved 
I had taken under the fun : becaufe I under Effex at the fiege of Rouen. Sub- 
fhould leave it unto the man that fhall fequently he is faid to have been wound- 
be after me. ed, either at Amiens, or during the fiege 

" 19. And who knoweth whether he of Paris by Henry IV. In confequence 

fhall be a wife man or a fool ? " of his fervices he was appointed by 

Ecclefiajlcs, ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. Queen Elizabeth royal governor of Ply- 
mouth, and in 1597 was defignated as 

3 Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Afhton one of the ftaff of Effex in the Ferrol 
Phillips in Somerfet, has already been expedition, with the title of Sergeant- 
frequently referred to in the introduclo- Major. In 1601 he was concerned in 
ry portions of this volume. Of an old Effex's infurreclion, and was one of the 
Weft Country family and pure Englifh principal witneffes againft the Earl at 
defcent, he was born about the year his trial. After a confiderable period of 
1560 (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. vii. p. imprifonment he was releafed, and, on 
329). He early devoted himfelf to a mil- the acceffion of James I., was reappointed 


New England. 

120 New Englifli Canaan. 

his Majefty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done 
a great worke for the good of his Country. 

And herein this, the wondrous wifedome and love of God, 

The Salvages is fhewne, by fending to the place his Minifter, to fweepe 

piag^{ the away by heapes the Salvages ; and alfo giving him length 

of dayes to fee the fame performed after his enterprife was 

begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Chrift. 

This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane 
to be fcituated about the middle of thofe two extreames, 
and for directions you may proove it thus : Counting the 
fpace betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true 
proportion, you fhall finde it to be 90. Degrees : then muff 
we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and 
that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Soth- 
erne fide of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, 
remembringe that Sol & Homo general homincm ; and then 
keepe us on that fame fide, and fee what Land is to be found 


governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he be- the royal fide, and was made a prifoner 
came interefted in American difcovery when Fairfax captured Briftol in Au- 
and colonization, and in 1607 he was one guft 1645. He died probably about the 
of the projectors of the Popham colony 10th of May 1647, as he was buried on 
in Maine. During the next thirteen the 14th of that month, 
years he was engaged in fifhing and In regard to Gorges, fee Belknap's 
trading ventures to New England, and American Biography ; Folfom's Cata- 
indefatigable in collecting information logue of Original Documents i?i the 
as to America. (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 7^.) Englifk Archives relating to the Early 
In 1620 he procured from James I. the H iflory of the State of Maine ; William- 
great patent of the Council for New fon's Maine; Palfrey's New England 
England. In 1623 he fent out the Rob- (vol.i.); Poole's Introduction to John- 
ert Gorges expedition which fettled fon's Wonder Working Providence j 
itfelf at Weffaguffet. {Supra, 2-4.) Devereux's Earls of Effex (vol. i.) ; 
His fubfequent connection with Morton, and the Briefe Narration (ill. Mafs. 
and his intrigues againft the Maffachu- Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 44), and Gorges's 
fetts colony and charter, have been fuf- own letters, to Winthrop and others, in 
ficiently referred to in this volume, the Winthrop Papers, (iv. Mafs. Hifl. 
During the Civil War Gorges efpoufed Coll., vol. vii.) 

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 1 2 1 

there, and we fliall eafily difcerne that new England is on 
the South fide of that Center. 

For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees New Engl is 
of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the fame gddeniZane. 
latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently, 
but is oppreffed with neither : and therefore may be truly 
fayd to be within the compaffe of that golden meane, 
moft apt and fit *for habitation and generation, being * 16 
placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under 
that Zone called Zona temperata ; and is therefore moft fitt 
for the generation and habitation of our Englifh nation, of 
all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne 
Pole, whofe Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the 
felfefame latitude : now this new England, though it be 
nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees New England 
of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate ™ e 'erer tfuiLe 
or cold, by reafon of the cituation of it; for as the Coafi;^^^" 
lyeth, being circularly Northeaft and Southwell, oppofite 
towards the Sunnes rifinge, which makes his courfe over the 
Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting heat of the Sun- 
beames, by reafon of the continuall motion of the waters 
makinge the aire there the cooler and the conftanter ; fo 
that for the temperature of the Climent, fweetneffe of the 
aire, fertility of the Soile, and fmall number of the Salvages 
(which might feeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate 
minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious 
men accounted the principall part of all America for habita- 
tion and the commodioufneffe of the Sea, Ships there not 
being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, 
and not to be paraleld in all Chriftendome. The Maffachuf- 


122 New Englijh Canaan. 

The Majfa- fets, being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull 
C midddofN^u Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in 
England. ^ 2> Degrees, anc j 30. minutes, and hath as yet 1 the great- 
erf number of inhabitants ; and hath a very large bay to 
it divided by Iflands into 4 great bayes, 2 where fhip- 
The windes * 1 7 pinge may fafely ride, * all windes and weathers, the 
In Ncw*En£- windes in thofe partes being not fo violent as in England 

land. by man y Degrees : for there are no fhrubbs feene to leane 

from the windes, as by the Sea Coaft of England I have feene 
them leane, and the groundage is a fandy fleech, 3 free from 
rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage : the reft 
of the Planters are difperft among the Coafts betweene 41. 
and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very 
little way into the inland. 4 The riches of which Country I 
have fet forth in this abitracl: as in a Landfkipp, for the 
better information of the Travellers ; which hee may perufe 
and plainely perceave by the demonnration of it, that it is 
nothing inferior to Canaan of Ifrael, but a kind of paralell 

to it in all points. 

Chapter 1 1. 

1 That is, in 1634. See/upra, 78. Nut and Pettuck's iflands and Hull, 

2 Thefe are the Inner Harbor (Bof- among which is Hingham Bay. 

ton), fo called, and Dorchefter, Ouincy, 3 " Sketch, n. The thick mud orflufh 

and Weymouth bays. The latter in- lying at the bottom of rivers." Webjler. 

eludes all the inlets fouth and weft of • 4 [dand.] Seefupra, ill, note I. 

New Englifli Canaan. 123 

Chap. II. 

Of the originall of the Natives. 

IN the yeare fmce the incarnation of Chrift, 1622, it was 
my chance to be landed in the parts of New England, 1 
w T here I found two fortes of people, the one Chriftians, the 
other Infidels ; thefe I found moft full of humanity, and 
more friendly then the other : as fhall hereafter be made 
apparant in Dew-Courfe by their feverall actions from time 
to time, whileft I lived among them. After my arrivall 
in thofe partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes 
that I could to find out from what people, or nation, 
the Natives of # 'New England might be conjectured * 18 
originlly to proceede ; and by continuance and con- 
verfation amongft them, I attaned to fo much of their lan- 
guage, as by all probable conjecture may make the fame man- 
ifeft : for it hath been found by divers, and thofe of good 
judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe ufe very 
many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the fame fignifi- The Natives 
cation that the Latins and Greekes have done ; as en animia?* language. 
when an Indian expreffeth that hee doth anything with a 


1 Supra, 6-7. nifhed the following notes : " En ani- 

2 In the letter already quoted from mia — Wunanumau, as Eliot wrote it, 
{Supra, 14), Mr. J. H. Trumbull re- fignifies 'he is well difpofed, or well 
marked that "Morton, as he fhows in minded toward another,' or 'is pleafed 
chap. ii. of book I., could not write with ' him. There is another word, 
the moft fimple Indian word without a nearly related, which Morton may have 
blunder." As refpects the words which had in mind, meaning ' to help,' ' do a 
Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, favor to,' — aninumeh, 'help me ' (Eliot), 
Mr. Trumbull has further kindly fur- anunime (R. Williams)." 

124 New Englifh Canaan. 

Pa/co Pan good will ; and Pafcopciii 1 fisfnifieth °redy gut, this being the 

greedy gntt. J c ° J ° & 

name of an Indian that was to called of a Child, through 
the greedineffe of his minde and much eating, for Pa/co in 
Latine fignifieth to feede, and Pan in Greeke fignifieth all ; 
and Pa/co nantum? qua/ pa/co nondum, halfe ftarved, or not 

Mono, an iji. eating, as yet ; Equa cogef fet it upright ; Mona^ is an Ifland 
in their language, qua/i Monon, that is alone, for an Ifland 
is a peece or plott of ground flanding alone, and devided 
from the mane Land by force of water. 

Cos a whet- Cos 5 is a Whetftone with them. Hame* an inftrument to 
take fifh. Many places doe retain e the name of Pan, as 
Pantneket 7 and Matta pan* fo that it may be thought that 

Pan the shep. thefe people heretofore have had the name of Pan in great 

heards God. i • 

reverence and eltimation, and it may bee have worlhipped 
Pan the great God of the Heathens : Howfoever they doe 
ufe no manner of worfhip at all now : and it is moft likely 
that the Natives of this Country are defcended from peo- 
ple bred upon that part of the world which is towardes 


1 " PaJJcanontam (Eliot), ' he fuffers ufed for boring wampum, beads, &c. ; 
from hunger,' ' is ftarving.' In Eliot's cau-ompjk (R. Williams) was ' a whet- 
orthography, pajkuppoo would fignify ftone,' /. <?., a fliarpening ftone." 

'he eats hungrily.' or 'as if ftarving,' 6 " Om {aum, Eliot), is a fifh-hook ; 

and from this comes the verbal Pajlcup- aumau-i, 'he is timing' (with hook and 

•wen or PaJ7;uppoo-cn ' a ftarving eater' line,) R. Williams; whence omaen, 

— Morton's ' greedy gut.' " (Eliot) ' a fifherman.' " 

2 " Eliot's pa/kanontam, as above, 7 " Probably niifprinted for Pantneket 
which is well enough tranflated by — the equivalent of Pantneket, mean- 
' halfe ftarved.' " ing 'at the fall ' of the river. (The n 

8 " I can make nothing of thefe words, was not diftinclly founded, but repre- 

They certainly do not mean 'fet it up- fents the nafalization of the preceding 

right.' " vowel.)" 

4 " An ifland is munnoh (Eliot)." 8 " Mattapan means a ' fitting down ' 

5 "Here Morton miftook the word. — or 'a fetting down' — and ufually 
Cos is, probably, Koiis (Eliot), ' fliarp- defignates the end of a 'carry or port- 
pointed,' or, from the fame root, mukqs, age, where the canoes were put in water 
(Eliot), mucks (R. Williams), 'an awl,' again." 

New Rnglifli Canaan, 125 


the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe flill retaine the * 19 
memory of fome of the Starres one that part of the 
Caeleftiall Globe, as the North-ftarre, which with them is 
called Mafke, 1 for Mafke in their Language fignifieth a 
Beare : and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, 
and it feemes originally have had fome litterature amongfl 
them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of ufe. 

And whereas it hath beene the opinion of fome men, 
which fhall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England 
may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from 
Tartaria into thofe partes, 2 over the frozen Sea, I fee no Not to proceede 
probality for any fuch Conjecture ; for as much as a people {ars! 
once fetled mult be remooved by compulfion, or elfe tempted 
thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations 
of the place unto which they mould be drawne to remoove : 
and if it may be thought that thefe people came over the 
frozen Sea, then would it be by compulfion ? if fo, then by 

who me, 

1 Winflow, in his Relations, fays of Acadian Geology (2d ed. p. 675), fhow- 
the Indians: "The people are very in- ing that the Micmacs ftill know that 
genious and obfervative ; they keep ac- conftellation as Mooin, 'the bear.'" 
count of time by the moon, and win- 2 Roger Williams, in the preface to his 
ters or fummers ; they know divers of Key (p. 23), fays : " Wife and judicious 
the (tars by name; in particular they men, with whom I have difcourfed, main- 
know the north ftar, and call it mafke, tain their [the Indians] original to be 
which is to fay, the bear.'''' (Young's northward from Tartaria." The Afi- 
Chron. of Pilg-, pp. 365-6.) See alfo atic origin of the North American Indi- 
to the fame effect, Roger Williams's ans was a neceffary part of the fcriptural 
Key {Publications of the Narraganfett dogma of the origin and defcent of 
Club, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull's note man. It is fafe, however, to affert that, 
(p. 105). Mr. Trumbull now further firlt and laft. every pofiible theory on this 
adds :" The name {mafke) was given to fubject has been carefully elaborated. 
Urfa Major or Charles's Wain, not tc It is not neceffary, in connection with 
the North Star; and by nearly all Al- the New Canaan, to enter into the dif- 
gonkin tribes. An interefting note on cuffion, as the views of thole, from St. 
this point can be found in Hopkins's Gregory to Voltaire, who have taken 
Hift. Memorials of the Honfatonic Indi- part in it, have been laborioufly collected 
ans (p. 11), and another in Dawfon's by Drake in his Book of Indians (ch.'u.). 

126 New Rnglifli Canaan. 

whome, or when ? or what part of this mane continent may 
No part of be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is 
knoivne to be yet unknowne : and it is not like, that a people well enough 
'' at eafe will of their one accord undertake to travayle over 
a Sea of Ice, confidering how many difficulties they (hall 
encounter with ; as firft, whether there be any Land at the 
end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view ; then 
want of Food to fuftane life in the meane time upon 
* 20 that Sea of Ice ; or # how mould they doe for Fuell, 
to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which 
will not bee had in fuch a place. But it may perhaps be 
granted that the Natives of this Country might originally 
come of the fcattred Trojans : For after that Brutus, who 
why Brutus was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict 
had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a 
great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine 
and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it 
more fafety to depart unto fome other place and people, 
then by flaying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or 
doubtfull Conqueft, which as hiftory maketh mention hee 
performed,) this people were difperfed : there is no ques- 
tion but the people that lived with him, by reafon of their 
converfation with the Grascians and Latines, had a mixed 
language that participated of both, whatfoever was that 
which was proper to their owne nation at firft I know not ; 
for this is commonly feene where 2. nations traffique to- 
Two nations gether, the one indevouring to underftand the others mean- 

tneetinge make . . . r -\ i i 

a mixt tan- ing makes them both many times lpeak a mixed language, 
suage ' as is approoved by the Natives of New England, through 


New Engli/Ii Canaan. 127 

the coveteous defire they have to commerce with our nation 
and wee with them. 

And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not 
finde that his whole number went with him at once, or 
arrived at one place ; and being put to Sea might encounter 
with a ftorme that would carry them out of fight of Land, 
and then they might fayle God knoweth whether, and 
fo might be put upon this * Coaft, as well as any * 2 1 
other. Compaffe I beleeve they had none in thofe 
dayes ; Sayles they might have, (which Daedalus the firft Dcedaius the 
inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne sayies* 
Icarus the ufe of it, who to this Coft found how dangerous it Teams the fee- 
is for a Sonne not to obferve the precepts of a wife Father, °s a yiL at 
fo that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this 
day,) and Victuals they might have good fhore, and many 
other things fittinge ; oares without all queftion they would 
ftore themfelves with, in fuch a cafe ; but for the ufe of 
Compaffe, there is no mention made of it at that time 
(which was much about Sauls time, the firft that was made Troy dejiroyed 
King of Ifraell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without time. 
good reafon for it) that the ufe of the Loadftone and Com- The Load/tone 
paffe was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee fent time. 
Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify 
that magnificent Temple of Hierufalem by him built for the 
glory of Almighty God, and by his fpeciall appointment: 
and it is held by Cofmographers to be 3. yeares voyage 
from Hierufalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that fuch a 
voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe 
of the Loadftone and Compaffe. 


128 New Englifh Canaan. 

And why mould any man thinke the Natives of New- 
England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely becaufe 
by the pronunciation and termination their words feeme to 
trench upon feverall languages, when time hath not fur- 
nifhed him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge 

that muft induce a man of reafonable capacity to any 
* 22 maner of conjecture of * their originall, muft be the 

fence and fignification of the words, principally to 
frame this argument by, when hee mall drawe to any conclu- 
sion thereupon : otherwife hee fhall but runne rounde about 
a maze (as fome of the fantafticall tribe ufe to do about the 
tythe of mint 1 and comin.) Therefore, fince I have had 
the approbation of Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, 2 Knight, an 
able gentl. that lived amongft them, and of David Tompfon, 3 
a Scottifh gentl. that likewife was converfant with thofe 
people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in 
taking notice of thefe things, as men of good judgement, 
and that have bin in thofe parts any time, befides others of 
leffe, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the 
Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be 


1 [muit.] Seefufira, ill, note I. land, was iffued to him, and the next 

- 2 See Infra * 182-4 and note. year, he then being apparently a young 

3 David Thomfon occupied the ifland man and newly married, he came out 

in Bofton Harbor, which ftill bears his and eftablifhed himfelf at Pifcataqua, 

name, from fome time in 1625, appar- whence he afterwards moved to Bolton 

ently, until his death in 1628 (fupra, Harbor. All that is known of Thomfon 

24). He left a widow and an only fon, can be found in Mr. Deane's A 7 otes to 

who inherited the ifland. Originally, an Indenture, &*c, in the Proc. Mafs. 

Thomfon feems to have been a meffen- Hi/i. Soc, 1876 (pp. 358-81). See alfo, 

ger, or poffibly an agent, of the Council Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, 1878 (p. 204), 

for New England. In November, 1622, and Memorial Hiftory of Bofton (vol. i. 

a patent, covering a confiderable tract of p. 83). 

New Englifli Canaan. 


from the fcattered Trojans, after fuch time as Brutus de- 
parted from Latium. 1 Chapter III. 

1 Morton's attempt to trace the origin 
of the North American Indians from 
Brutus, and the fupport he finds for his 
theory in the refemblance of fome In- 
dian to Greek words, there being no rea- 
fon to fuppofe that Brutus or the Latins 
had any acquaintance with Greek, reads 
like a humorous fatire on the hiftorical 
methods in vogue with the writers of 
his time. Until within the laft century 
there were two hiftorical events, or events 
affumed to be hiftorical, to one or the 
other of which it was deemed fafe to 
refer the origin of any modern nation. 
Thefe events were the Siege of Troy 
and the Flood, — the profane and the 
facred beginnings of modern hiftory. 
Morton wrote in 1635, an d his mind na- 
turally had recourfe to the profane theo- 
ry. Fifteen years later, Milton began his 
hiftory of England, and at theoutfet came 
in contact with Brutus. " That which we 
have," he then remarks, " of oldeft feem- 
ing, hath by the greater part of judicious 
antiquaries been long rejected for a 
modern fable." He neverthelefs " de- 
termined to beftow the telling over even 
of thefe reputed tales, . . . feeing that 
ofttimes relations heretofore accounted 
fabulous have been after found to con- 
tain in them many footfteps and reliques 
of fomething true ; as what we read in 
poets of the flood, and giants little be- 
lieved, till undoubted witneffes taught 
us that all was not feigned." Then 
paffing on, he fays : " After the flood, 
and the difperfing of nations, as they 
journeyed leifurely from the Eaft, Go- 
mer, the eldeft fon of Japhet, and his 
offspring, as by authorities, arguments 
and affinity of divers names is generally 
believed, were the firft that peopled all 
thefe weft and northern climes." Com- 
ing down to Brutus and the whole pro- 
geny of kings, and following Geoffrey of 

Monmouth, Milton then recounts in de- 
tail the marriages, voyages, adventures 
and mifhaps of the defcendants of ^Eneas 
until Brutus reached an "ifland, not yet 
Britain but Albion, in a manner defert 
and inhofpitable ; kept only by a rem- 
nant of giants, whofe exceffive force and 
tyranny had deftroyed the reft. Thefe 
Brutus deftroys," and, after this, " in a 
chofen place, builds Troja Nova, changed 
in time to Trinovantum, now London." 

The fuperiority of Morton's hiftorical 
method to Milton's, or to that in ufe 
in Milton's time, is obvious. Accepting 
the common origin, he premifes that he 
does not find that " when Brutus did 
depart from Latium his whole number 
went with him at once." Accordingly, 
fome of them being put to fea, " might 
encounter with a ftorm," and then being 
carried out of fight of land, " they might 
fail God knoweth whether, and fo might 
be put on this coaft, as well as any 
other." And hence the author is " bold 
to conclude that the original of the na- 
tives of New England may be well con- 
jectured to be from the fcattered Trojans, 
after fuch time as Brutus departed from 

It would be eafy to quote from many 
ferious productions, contemporaneous 
with the New Canaan and a century 
after it, examples of the fame method 
of daring hiftorical hypothefis ; a fin- 
gle inftance will, however, fuffice. In 
his hiftory of Lynn, written in 1829, the 
Rev. Alonzo Lewis fays (p. 21) : "The 
Indians are fuppofed by fome to be 
the remnants of the long loft ten tribes 
of Ifrael ; and their exiftence in tribes, 
the fimilarity of fome of their cuftoms, 
and the likenefs of many words in their 
language, feem to favor this opinion." 

More fenfible than either Thomas 
Morton or Mr. Lewis, William Wood, 



New Englifli Canaan, 

Chap. III. 

Of a great mortality that happened amongjl the Natives of 
New England, neere about the time that the Englifli came 
there to plant. 

IT fortuned fome few yeares before the Englifh came to in- 
habit at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon fome 
diftafb given in the Maffachuffets bay by Frenchmen, then 
trading there with the Natives for beaver, they fet upon 
the men at fuch advantage that they killed manie of 
* 23 them, burned their lhipp, * then riding at Anchor by 
an Ifland there, now called Peddocks Ifland, 1 in mem- 
ory of Leonard Peddock 2 that landed there, (where many 


in writing his New England's Pro/peel, 
in 1633, remarks (p. 78), that "Some 
have thought they [the Indians] might 
be of the difperfed Jews, becaufe fome 
of their words be near unto the Hebrew; 
but by the fame rule they may conclude 
them to be fome of the gleanings of all 
nations, becaufe they have words which 
found after the Greek, Latin, French, 
and other tongues." 

There is in the Magna/ia (book in. 
part iii.) a lengthy but highly charac- 
teriftic paffage, in which Mather re- 
counts the points of refemblance which 
the evangelift Eliot faw between the In- 
dians and " the pofterity of the difperfed 
and rejected Ifraelites." 

1 Peddock's, or Pettick's, Ifland, ftill 
fo called, is one of the largeft iflands in 
Bolton Bay. It lies directly oppofite to 
George's Ifland and Hull, from which 
laft it is feparated by a narrow channel, 
and is between Weymouth and Quincy 

bays, on the eaft and weft. See Shurt- 
leff's Defcription of Boflon, p. 557. 

2 Leonard Peddock feems to have 
been in the employment of the Council 
for New England. In the records of the 
Council for the 8th of November, 1622, 
is the following entry : "Mr. Thomfon 
is ordered to pay unto Leo : Peddock 
;£io towards his paynes for his laft Im- 
ployments to New England." Subfe- 
quently, on the 19th of the fame month : 
" It is ordered that a Letter be written 
from the Counfell to Mr. Wefton, to de- 
liver to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native 
of New England called papa Whinett 
belonging to Abbadakeft, Sachem of 
Maffachufetts, which boy Mr Peddock 
is to carry over with him " {Proceedings 
of the American Antiquarian Society, 
April, 1867, pp, 70, 74)- 

Andrew Wefton had returned to Eng- 
land in the Charity, leaving Weffaguffett 
in September, 1622 (Jupra, 7). He 


New Rngli/Ji Canaan. 


wilde Anckies 1 haunted that time, which hee thought had bin 
tame,) diftributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords 
of the feverall territories adjoyninge : they did keepe them fo 
longe as they lived, onely to fport themfelves at them, and 
made thefe five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, Five French- 
which is the generall worke that they require of a fervant. 2 "the" salvages* 
One of thefe five men, out livinge the reft, had learned fo 
much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy 
deede, faying that God would be angry with them for it, 


would feem to have brought over the 
Indian boy in queftion with him. From 
the entry in the records of the Council 
for New England, juft quoted, it would 
appear that Leonard Peddock was in 
New England during the fummer of 
1622. The reference to him in the text 
is additional evidence that Morton was 
there at the fame time, and in company 
with Wefton. 

1 This is undoubtedly a mifprint for 
Auckies, which was a failor's corrup- 
tion for Auks. The Great Auk (Alca 
imftennis) is probably referred to. This 
bird, now fuppofed to be extinct, was 
formerly common on the New England 
coaft. Audubon, writing in 1838, fays : 
" An old gunner, refiding on Chelfea 
Beach, near Bofton, told me that he 
well remembered the time when the 
Penguins were plentiful about Nahant 
and fome other iflands in the bay." 
(Am. Ornithological Biog., vol. iv. 
p. 316.) ProfefTor Orton, alluding to this 
paffage, in the American Natural/ft 
(1S69, p. 540), expreffes the opinion 
that the Razor-billed Auk was the bird 
referred to ; but Profeffor F. W. Put- 
nam adds, in a foot-note, that "the 'old 
hunter ' was undoubtedly correcl; in his 
ftatement, as we have bones of the fpe- 
cies taken from the fhell-heaps of Mar- 
blehead, Eagle Hill in Ipfwich. and 

Plum Ifland." Dr. Jeffries Wyman 
found them in the fhell-heaps at Cotuit. 
See Metn.HiJl. of Bofton, vol. i. p. 12. 

There is an elaborate paper on the 
Great Auk, under the title of "The 
Garefowl and its Hillorians," by Pro- 
feffor Alfred Newton, in the Natural 
Hiftory Review for 1865, p. 467. 

2 Morton would feem to be miftaken 
in this ftatement. Between 1614 and 
1619 two French veffels were loft on the 
Maflachufetts coaft. One was wrecked 
on Cape Cod, and the crew, who fuc- 
ceeded in getting on fhore, were moll; 
of them killed by the favages, and 
the remainder enflaved in the way de- 
fcribed in the text. Two of thefe cap- 
tives were fubfequently redeemed by 
Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The 
other vellel was captured by the favages 
in Bofton Bay, and burned. This is the 
veffel referred to by Morton as riding at 
anchor off Peddock's Ifland. The cir- 
cumftances of the capture are defcribed 
in Phinehas Pratt's narrative (iv. Mafs. 
Hijl. Coll., vol. i v. pp. 479, 489) . All the 
crew, he fays, were killed, and the fliip, 
after grounding, was burned. Pratt's 
ftatement is diftinft, and agrees with 
Bradford's, that the captives among the 
Indians were the furvivors from the vef- 
fel wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that 
captured in Bofton Bay. 

132 New Englifh Canaan. 

and that hee would in his difpleafure deftroy them ; but 

the Salvages (it feemes boafting of their ftrenght,) replyed 

and fayd, that they were fo many that God could not kill 

them. 1 

The Plague But contrary wife, in fhort time after the hand of God 

dL°s" tAeIn ' fell heavily upon them, with fuch a mortall ftroake that they 

died on heapes as they lay in their houfes ; and the living, 

that were able to fhift for themfelves, would runne away and 

let them dy, and let there Carkafes ly above the ground 

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, 

there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the 

Theihingenot^^', the livinge being (as it feemes) not able to bury the 

a de U ad°. burythe dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray 

upon. And the bones and fkulls upon the feverall places 

of their habitations made fuch a fpecracle after my com- 

ming into thofe partes, that, as I travailed in that For- 


1 Pratt's account of this furvivor their unburied carcafes ; and they that 

among the French crew is to be found were left alive were fmitten into awful 

in w.Ma/s. Hiji. Coll., vol. iv. pp. 479, and humble regards of the Englifh by 

489. He fays that " one of them was the terrors which the remembrance of the 

wont to read much in a book (fome fay Frenchman's prophecy had imprinted on 

it was the New Teftament), and that the them." 

Indians enquiring of him what his book Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims 

faid, he told them it did intimate that to have derived his knowledge of thefe 

there was a people like French men that events during the winter of 1622-3 di- 

would come into the country and drive rectly from ravages concerned in them, 

out the Indians." The account given by The probability is that the tradition of 

Mather (Magnalia, P>. 1. ch. ii. § 6) is the French captive, and his book and 

curioufly like that in the text. After prophecy, was a common one among the 

quoting the fubftance of Pratt's ftate- fettlers both at Plymouth and about 

ment he adds: "Thefe infidels then Bofton Bay. Pratt apparently had a 

blafphemoufly replied, ' God could not habit, as he grew old, of appropriating 

kill them ; ' which blafphemous miftake to his own account many of the earlier 

was confuted by a horrible and unufual and more finking incidents of colonial 

plague, whereby they were confumed in hiftory. (Mather's Early New Ettg- 

fuch vaft multitudes that our firft plant- land, p. 17 ) 
ers found the land almoit covered with 

New Englifh Canaan. 


reft nere the Maffachuffets, it feemed to mee a new found 

* But otherwife, it is the cuflome of thofe Indian * 24 
people to bury their dead ceremonioufly and carefully, 
and then to abandon that place, becaufe they have no 
defire the place fhould put them in minde of mortality : and 
this mortality was not ended when the Brownifts of new 
Plimmouth were fetled at Patuxet in New England : and 
by all likelyhood the fickneffe that thefe Indians died of 
was the Plague, as by conference with them fince my arrivall 
and habitation in thofe partes, I have learned. 1 And by this 


1 The myfterious peftilence, which in 
the years 1616 and 1617 fwept away 
the New England Indians from the Pe- 
nobfcot to Narraganfett Bay, is mentioned 
by all the earlier writers, and its char- 
acter has recently been fomewhat dif- 
cuffed. There can be no doubt that it 
practically deftroyed the tribes, espe- 
cially the Maffachufetts and the Pokano- 
kets, among which it raged. The former 
were reduced from a powerful people, 
able, it is faid, to mutter three thoufand 
warriors, to a mere remnant a few hun- 
dred ftrong. The Pokanokets were in 
fome localities, notably at Plymouth, 
actually exterminated, and the country 
left devoid of inhabitants (1. Mafs. Hijl. 
Coll., vol. i. p. 148 ; Young's Chron. of 
•Pi&i P- 183). Winflow gave a defcrip- 
tion of the defolation created by this 
peftilence, and of the number of the un- 
buried dead, very like that in the text 
(Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 183, 206). 
On this fubject, fee alfo, Bradford, pp. 
102, 325 ; Johnfon, p. 16 ; Wood's Prof 
peft, p. 72 ; in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. 
vi. p. 57. 

No definite conclusion as to the nature 
of this peftilence has been reached by 
medical men. It has been fuggefted that 

it was the yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i. 
p. 99, n). As, however, it raged equally 
in the depth of the fevereft winter as 
in fummer, this could not have been 
the cafe (in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. vi. 
p. 57 ; Bradford, p. 325). Other mod- 
ern medical authorities have inclined 
to the opinion that it was a vifitation 
of fmall-pox (Dr. Holmes in Mafs. 
Hifl. Soc, Low. Tnfl. Left., 1869., p. 
261 ; Dr. Green's Centennial Addrefs 
before the Mafs. Med. Soc., June 7, 1881, 
p. 12). In fupport of this hypothefis 
Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who, 
failing along the coaft in 1619-20, wrote 
"we might perceive the fores of fome 
that had efcaped, who defcribed the 
fpots of fuch as ufually die " (Purchas, 
vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand, 
none of the contemporaneous writers 
who fpeak of the difeafe ever call it the 
fmall-pox, though all of them were per- 
fectly familiar with fmall-pox, and a very 
large portion of them probably bore its 
marks. Dermer fpeaks of it as " the 
plague." Bradford, when the fame peft- 
ilence raged on the Connecticut, de- 
fcribed it as "an infectious fever." Dr. 
Fuller, the firft New England phyfician, 
then died cf it (Bradford, p. 314). He 


134 New Englifh Canaan. 

meanes there is as yet but a fmall number of Salvages in 
New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and 
the place is made fo much the more fitt for the Englifh 
Sam. 24. Nation to inhabit in, and erecl in it Temples to the glory 
of God. 

Chap. IV. 

Of their Houfes and Habitations. 

THe Natives of New England are accuftomed to build 
them houfes much like the wild Irifh ; they gather 
Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the 
ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference, 
and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they 
bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which 
is wondrous tuffe, fo that they make the fame round 
* 25 on the Topp *for the fmooke of their fire to affend 


could not but have been familiar with ern parts were fore fmitten by the con- 

the fmall-pox and its fymptoms ; and it tagion ; firft by the plague, afterwards, 

would feem moft improbable that he when the Englifh came, by the fmall- 

fhould have died of that difeafe among pox." 

his dying neighbors, and not have known It would feem. therefore, that the pef- 

what was killing him. Moreover, in tilence of 1616-7 was clearly not the 

1633-4 the fmall-pox did rage among fmall-pox. More probably it was, as 

the Indians, and Bradford, in giving a Bradford fays, "an infectious fever," 

fearfully graphic account of its ravages, or fome form of malignant typhus, due 

adds, "they [the Indians] fear it more to the wretched fanitary condition of the 

than the plague." Joffelyn alfo draws Indian villages, which had become over- 

the fame diftinclion, faying (Two Voy- crowded, owing to that profpcrous con- 

ages, p. 123): "Not long before the dition of the tribes which Smith defcribes 

Englifh came into the country, hap- as exifting at the time of his vifit to the 

pined a great mortality amongft [the coaft in 1614 (in. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. 

Indians]; efpecially where the Englifh vi. p. 109). 
afterwards planted, the Eaft and North- 

New Englifli Canaan. 135 

and paffe through ; thefe they cover with matts, fome 
made of reeds and fome of longe flagges, or fedge, finely 
fowed together with needles made of the fplinter bones of a 
Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, 
which their groueth naturally, leaving feverall places for 
dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up 
and let downe againe at their pleafures, making ufe of the 
feverall dores, according as the winde litts. 1 The fire is 
alwayes made in the middeft of the houfe, with winde fals 
commonly : yet fome times they fell a tree that groweth 
neere the houfe, and, by drawing in the end thereof, main- 
taine the fire on both fids, burning the tree by Degrees 
fhorter and fhorter, untill it be all confumed ; for it burnetii 
night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of 
the houfe about the fire ; they lye upon plankes, commonly 
about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raifed upon 
railes that are borne up upon forks ; they lay mats under 
them, and Coats of Deares fkinnes, otters, beavers, Ra- 


1 "Their houfes, which they call wig- whilft their women drefs their victuals, 

warns, are built with poles pitcht into They have commonly two doors, one 

the ground of a round form for moft opening to the fouth, the other to the 

part, fometimes fquare. They bind down north, and, according as the wind fets, 

the tops of their poles, leaving a hole they clofe up one door with bark and 

for fmoak to go out at, the reft they hang a deers fkin or the like before the 

cover with the bark of trees, and line other. Towns they have none, being 

the infide of their wigwams with mats always removing from one place to an- 

made of rufhes painted with feveral other for conveniency of food, fometimes 

colors. One good poll they fet up in to thofe places where one fort of fifh is 

the middle that reaches to the hole in moft plentiful, other whiles where others 

the top, with a ftaff acrofs before it ; at are. I have feen half a hundred of their 

a convenient height, they knock in a wigwams together in- a piece of ground 

pin upon which they hang their kettle, and they fhow prettily ; within a day or 

Beneath that they fet up a broad ftone two or a week they have been all dif- 

for a back which keepeth the poft from perfed." (JoiTelyn's Voyages, p. 126). 

burning. Round by the walls they fpread See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 

their mats and fkins where the men deep 144. 

136 New Engl if h Canaan, 

cownes, and of Beares hides, all which they have dreffed 
and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their 
coverings : and in this manner they lye as warme as they 
defire. 1 In the night they take their reft ; in the day time, 


1 Giving in his Key (p. 48) the Indian 
combination of words fignifying " let 
us lay on wood," Roger Williams adds : 
" This they do plentifully when they lie 
down to deep winter and fummer, abun- 
dance they have and abundance they 
lay on : their fire is inftead of our bed- 
clothes. And fo, themfelves and any 
that have any occafion to lodge with 
them, muft be content to turn often to 
the fire, if the night be cold, and they 
who firft wake muft repair the fire." 
Elfewhere he fays : " God was pleafed 
to give me a painful, patient fpirit, to 
lodge with them in their filthy, fmoky 
holes." See alfo Gookin's Indians, 1. 
Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 150. 

When Stephen Hopkins and Edward 
Window were fent on their miffion to 
Maffafoit, in June, 162 1, they fay of their 
entertainment on the night they arrived 
at his lodge : " Late it grew, but vict- 
uals he offered none ; for indeed he had 
not any, being he came so newly home. 
So we defired to go to reft : he layd us 
on the bed with himfelf and his wife, 
they at the one end and we at the other, 
it being only planks layd a foot from the 
ground, and a thin mat upon them. 
Two more of his chief men, for want 
of room, preffed by and upon us ; fo 
that we were worfe weary of our lodg- 
ing than of our journey." (Mourt, p. 45). 
Two nights of this entertainment fuf- 
ficed for the embaffadors who "feared 
we fhould either be light-headed for 
want of deep, for what with bad lodg- 
ing, the favages barbarous tinging, (for 
they ufe to fing themfelves afleep,) 
lice and fleas within doors, and mufke- 
tos without, we could hardly flcep all 

the time of our being there." (lb., p. 46) 
Another obferver remarked of the New 
England Indians : " Tame cattle they 
have none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of 
a wild breed " (Joffelyn's Voyages, p. 
127) ; and to the fame effect Roger 
Williams notes {Key, p. 74) : " In middle 
of fummer, becaufe of the abundance of 
fleas, which the duft of the houfe breeds, 
they [the Indians] will fly and remove 
on a fudden to a frefh place." 

Smith, defcribing the Virginia Ind- 
ians, fays (Trice Travels, vol. i. p. 
130) : " Their houfes are built like our 
arbors, of fmall young fprings bowed and 
tyed, and fo clofe covered with mats, or 
the barkes of trees very handfomely, that 
nothwithftanding either winde, raine, or 
weather, they are as warm as ftoves, 
but very fmoaky, yet at the toppe of the 
houfe there is a hole made for the fmoake 
to go into right over the fire. 

" Againft the fire they lie on little 
hurdles of Reeds covered with a mat, 
borne from the ground a foote and more 
by a hurdle of wood. On thefe round 
about the houfe they lie heads and points, 
one by the other, againft the fire, fome 
covered with mats, fome with fkins, and 
fome ftark naked lie on the ground, from 
fix to twenty in a houfe." 

In Parkman's Jefuits in North Amer- 
ica there is a lively account of Le Jeune's 
experience in paffing the winter of 1633- 
4 among the Algonquins : " Put afide 
the bear-fkin, and enter the hut. Here, 
in a fpace fome thirteen feet fquare, were 
packed nineteen favages, men, women 
and children, with their dogs, crouched, 
fquatted, coiled like hedge-hogs, or ly- 
ing on their backs, with knees drawn up 


New Rnglifli Canaan. 


either the kettle is on with fifli or flefli, by no allowance, or 
elfe the fire is imployed in roafting of fifhes, which they 
delight in. 1 The aire doeth beget good ftomacks, and they 
feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels ; for 
they are willing that any one fhall eate with them. 
Nay, if any one that fhall come into their * houfes and * 26 
there fall a fleepe, when they fee him difpofed to lye 
downe, they will fpreade a matt for him of their owne accord, 
and lay a roule of fkinnes for a boulfter, and let him lye. If 
hee fleepe untill their meate be difhed up, they will fet a 
wooden boule of meate by him that fleepeth, and wake him 
faying, Cattup keene Meckin 2 : That is, If you be hungry, 
there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such 
is their Humanity. 3 


perpendicularly to keep their feet out of 
the fire. . . . The bark covering was full 
of crevices, through which the icy blafts 
ftreamed in upon him from all fides ; and 
the hole above, at once window and 
chimney, was fo large, that, as he [Le 
Jeune] lay, he could watch the ftars as 
well as in the open air. While the fire 
in the midft, fed with fat pine-knots, 
fcorched him on one fide, on the other 
he had much ado to keep himfelf from 
freezing. At times, however, the crowded 
hut feemed heated to the temperature 
of an oven. But thefe evils were light 
when compared to the intolerable plague 
of fmoke. During a fnow-ftorm, and 
often at other times, the wigwam was 
filled with fumes fo denfe, stifling, and 
acrid, that all its inmates were forced 
to lie flat on their faces, breathing 
through mouths in contact with the cold 
earth. Their throats and mouths felt 
as if on fire ; their fcorched eyes ftreamed 
with tears. . . . The dogs were not an 

unmixed evil, for by fleeping on and 
around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm 
at night ; but, as an offset to this good 
fervice, they walked, ran and jumped 
over him as he lay " (pp. 27-8). 

1 In regard to the food of the Indians 
and their alternate gluttony and abfti- 
nence, fee Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp. 
129-30 ; Wood's Pro/peel, p. 57. Wood's 
account of the Indians is ufually the 
beft. As refpects eating, he fays: "At 
home they will eate till their bellies ftand 
South, ready to fplit with fulneffe : it 
being their fafhion, to eate all at fome- 
times, and fometimes nothing at all in 
two or three days, wife providence being 
a ftranger to their wilder dayes." 

2 " Cattup keen ? ' Are you hungry ? ' 
Meechin, ' meat ; ' or, as an Indian 
would be more likely to fay, Meech, ' eat.' 
In Eliot's orthography, Kodtup ken ? 
Meechum, ' victuals, food,' or meech, 
' eat." — 7. H. Trumbull. 

3 In regard to the hofpitality of the 


138 New Englifli Canaan. 

Likewife, when they are minded to remoove, they carry 
away the mats with them ; other materiales the place adjoyn- 
ing will yeald. They ufe not to winter and fummer in one 
place, for that would be a reafon to make fuell fcarfe ; but, 
after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove 
for their pleafures ; fome times to their hunting places, where 
they remaine keeping good hofpitality for that feafon ; and 
fometimes to their fifhing places, where they abide for that 
feafon likewife : and at the fpring, when fifh comes in plen- 
tifully, they have meetinges from feverall places, where they 
exercife themfelves in gaminge and playing of juglinge 
trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted 
in ; [fo] that it is admirable to behould what paftime they 
ufe of feverall kindes, every one ftriving to furpaffe each 
other. 1 After this manner they fpend their 


Chapter V. 

Indians, Wood fays {Ptofpecl, p. 59) : 
" Though they be fometimes fcanted, 
yet are they as free as Emperors, both 
to their countrymen and Englifti, be he 
ftranger or mere acquaintance ; count- 
ing it a great difcourtefie not to eat of 
their high conceited delicates, and fup 
of their un-oat-meal'd broth, made thick 
with fifhes, fowles and beafts boiled 
all together; fome remaining raw, the 
reft converted by over-much feething to 
a loathed mafs, not halfe fo good as 
IriJJi Boniclapper." See alfo Gookin's 
Indians, 1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 


So alfo Roger Williams {Key, ch. ii. 

and iii.) : " If any ftranger came in, 
they prefently give him to eat of what 
they have ; many a time, and at all times 
of the night (as I have fallen in travel, 

upon their houfes) where nothing hath 
been ready, have themfelves and their 
wives, rifen to prepare me fome refrefh- 

" In Summer-time I have knowne 
them lye abroad often themfelves, to 
make room for ftrangers, Englifli, or 

" / have known them leave their Houfe and 
to lodge a friend or ftranger, 
Where Jeives and Chrijlians oft have sent 
Chrijl Jefus to the manger. ' 

1 In regard to the games and remov- 
als of the Indians, fee Williams's Key, 
chs. xi. and xxviii. ; Smith's True Trav- 
els, vol. i. p. 133 ; Gookin's Indians, 
1. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. i. p. 153 ; and 
Wood's Profpecl, pp. 63, 73-5. Wood 


New Engli/Ii Canaan, 


*Chap. V. 

Of their Religion. 



IT has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero, 1 that 
there is no people fo barbarous but have fome worfhipp 
or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein 
with Tully ; and, furely, if hee had bin amongffc thofe people 
fo longe as I have bin, and converfed fo much with them 
touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed 
his opinion. Neither fhould we have found this error, 
amongft the reft, by the helpe of that wodden profpecl, 2 if it 


fives an excellent defcription of the 
ndian game of foot-ball : " Their goals 
be a mile long placed on the fands, 
which are as even as a board ; their 
ball is no bigger than a hand-ball, which 
fometimes they mount in the air with 
their naked feet, fometimes it is fwayed 
by the multitude ; fometimes alfo it is 
two days before they get a goal ; then 
they mark the ground they win, and 
begin the next day. . . . Though they 
play never fo fiercely to outward appear- 
ance, yet anger-boiling blood never 
ftreams in their cooler veins ; if any 
man be thrown, he laughs out his foil, 
there is no feeking of revenge, no quar- 
relling, no bloody nofes, fcratched faces, 
black eyes, broken fhins, no bruifed 
members or crufhed ribs, the lament- 
able effects of rage ; but the goal being 
won, the goods on the one fide loft ; 
friends they were at the foot-ball, and 
friends they muft meet at the kettle." 
To the fame effect fee Strachey's 
Hijiorie, p. 78. 

1 Ipfifque in hominibus nulla gens eft 
neque tarn immanfueta, neque tarn fera, 

quae non, etiam fi ignoret qualem habere 
deum deceat, tamen habendum fciat 
(De Leg/bus, Lib. I. § 8). 

Quae eft enim gens, aut quod genus 
hominum, quod non habeat fine doclxina. 
anticipationem quandam deorum? (De 
A T attira Deorum, Lib. I. § 16). 

2 The reference here is to Wood's 
New England' 's Profpefl (p. 70) . I n re- 
gard to the time when this work was 
written and publifhed, fee Mr. Deane's 
preface to the edition in the publications 
of the Prince Society. Morton makes 
numerous references to it in the New 
Canaan (infra, *38, 53, 64, 84, 99). 
The prefent reference is one of the few 
unintelligible paffages in the book. 
Wood's language, to which Morton ap- 
parently takes exception, is as follows : 
" As it is natural to all mortals to wor- 
fhip fomething, fo do thefe people ; but 
exactly to defcribe to whom their wor- 
fhip is chiefly bent, is very difficult ; 
they acknowledge efpecially two, Ketan, 
who is their good God, to whom they 
facrifice after their garners be full with a 
good crop : upon this God likewife they 


140 New EnglifJi Canaan, 

had not been fo unadvifedly built upon fuch highe land as 
that Coaft (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, 
had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William 
Alexander, that fetts this thing forth in an exact and con- 
clufive fentence ; if hee be not too obftinate ? hee would 
graunt that worthy writer, that thefe people are fine fide, fine 
lege, & fine rege} and hee hath exemplified this thinge by 
a familiar demonftration, which I have by longe experience 
obferved to be true. 

And, me thinks, it is abfurd to fay they have a kinde of 
worfhip, and not able to demonftrate whome or what it is 
they are accuftomed to worfhip. For my part I am more 
willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to 


invocate for fair weather, for rain in time 
of drought, and for the recovery of their 
fick ; but if they do not hear them, then 
they verify the old verfe, Fleclere fi 
nequeo Super es, Acheronta movebo, their 
Pow-wows betaking themfelves to their 
exorcifms and unromantick charms. . . . 
by God's permiffion, through the Devil's 
help, their charms are of force to pro- 
duce effects of wonderment." Morton 
would feem to have wifhed to depreciate 
Wood, as an authority on New England, 
and fo, playing upon his name and the 
title of his book, he implied that he had 
taken a much more elevated view of the 
religious development of the Indians 
than could be juftified either by the ac- 
tual facts, or the judgment of the beft 

Being unintelligible, the paffage, from 
the word "neither" to the end of the 
paragraph, is reproduced here in all re- 
flects, including punctuation, as it is in 
the text of the original edition. 

1 There is no expreffion of this nature 
to be found anywhere in thofe writings 

of Sir William Alexander which have 
come down to us and are included in the 
publications of the Prince Society. He 
may have ufed the expreffion quoted in 
converfation, or in a letter. Winflow, in 
Mourt, fays : " They [the favages] are a 
people without any religion, or knowledge 
of any God " (p. 61). This ftatement he 
fubfequently, however, retracted in his 
Good News (Young's Chron. of Pilg-, 
p. 355), where he fays, " therein I erred, 
though we could then gather no better." 
The fubject of the religion of the North 
American aborigines has been treated by 
Parkman in the introduction to the Jefu- 
its in North America (pp. Ixvii.-lxxxix), 
and he concludes that " the primitive In- 
dian, yielding his untutored homage to 
an All-pervading and Omnipotent Spirit, 
is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and fen- 
timentalifts." To the fame effect Pal- 
frey, at the clofe of his vigorous difcuf- 
fion of the fame fubject (vol. i. p. 45), 
declares that the devout Indian of the 
" untutored mind is as fabulous as the 
griffin or the centaur." 

New Englifli Canaan. 141 

be the moft intelligible of all beafts) doe worfhip the 
moone, for the reafons * given by the author of this * 28 
report, as M r . Thomas May, the minion of the Mufes 
dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans hiftoricall poem, 1 
rather then this man : to that I mult bee conftrained, to con- 
clude againfl him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New 
England have no worfliip nor religion at all ; and I am fure 
it has been fo obferved by thofe that neede not the helpe of 
a wodden profpect for the matter. 

Chap. VI. 

Of the Indians apparrell. 

THe Indians in thefe parts do make their apparrell of 
the fkinnes of feverall fortes of beaftes, and commonly 
of thofe that doe frequent thofe partes where they doe live ; 
yet fome of them, for variety, will have the fkinnes of fuch 
beafts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they 
purchafe of them by Commerce and Trade. 


1 Thomas May, better known as the "But in a higher kind (as fome relate) 
hiftorian and fecretary of the Long Par- Do Elephants with men communicate, 
liament, was born in 1595 and died in (If you believe it) a religion 
1650. In 1627 he publifhed a tranfla- They have, and monthly do adore the 

tion of Lucan's Pharfalia, with a fit 6- -r, rj °? n \ , i3 XT , it , 

,/,._. „ .• J .- /./- y f Befides the loftie Nabathaean wood, 

Piemen um or continuation (1630), by Qf vaft e A , 0>s , e flood< 

himfelf in feven books. This continua- Gliding alongj the fandi e mould combines. 

tion he fublequently tranflated into Latin, Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia fhines 

and it is included in Lemaire's edition In her firfl: borrowed light, from out the 

of the Pharfalia in his Bibliotheca Claf- wood, 

fica Latina (Paris, 1832). The paffage Come all the Elephants, and in the floud 

to which Morton refers is in the third Warning themfelves (as if to purine) 

book of the continuation (11. 108-78). They proftrate fall ; and when religiouHy 

The following are fome of the verfes : — The y , have ad ° re( ? , th . e M , oon > return a S ain 

Into the woods with joy. 


142 New Englifli Canaan. 

The Indians Thefe fkinnes they convert into very good lether, making 

make good , . -\ r c r- r 1 r- n « * 

lether. the lame plume and iott. Some of thefe fkinnes they 

dreffe with the haire on, and fome with the haire off; the 

hairy fide in winter time they weare next their bodies, and 

in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes : they 

make likewife fome Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, 

which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge, 

very prittily : thefe garments they weare like mantels 

* 29 knit over * their moulders, and put under their arme : 

they have likewife another fort of mantels, made of 

Mofe fkinnes, which beaft is a great large Deere fo bigge 

as a horfe ; thefe fkinnes they commonly dreffe bare, and 

Indians inge- make them wondrous white, and ftripe them with fize round 

'men foTZJir about the borders, in forme like lace fet on by a Taylor, and 

gai fome they ftripe with fize in workes of feverall fafhions very 

curious, according to the feverall fantafies of the workemen, 

wherein they flrive to excell one another: And Mantels 

made of Beares fkinnes is an ufuall wearinge, among the 

Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt : they make 

fliooes of Mofe fkinnes, which is the principall leather ufed 

to that purpofe ; and for want of fuch lether (which is the 

ftrongeft) they make fliooes of Deeres fkinnes, very hand- 

fomly and commodious ; and, of fuch deeres fkinnes as they 

dreffe bare, they make ftockinges that comes within their 

fliooes, like a ftirrop ftockinge, and is faftned above at their 

belt, which is about their middell ; Every male, after hee 

The modejiy of iX\.2M\zs> unto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt 

mm* han about his middell, and a broad peece of lether that goeth 

betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde 

under that belt ; and this they weare to hide their fecreats 


New Englijli Canaan. 


of nature, which by no meanes they will fuffer to be feene, 
fo much modefty they ufe in that particular ; thofe gar- 
ments they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to 
keepe their fkinnes from the brum of the Shrubbs : and 
when they have their Apparrell one they looke like 
Irifh in * their troufes, the Stockinges joyne fo to * 30 
their breeches. A good well growne deere fkin is of 
great account with them, and it muft have the tale on, or elfe 
they account it defaced ; the tale being three times as long 
as the tales of our Englifh Deere, yea foure times fo longe, 
this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, 
with a girdle of their making, bound round about their mid- Indians tmv- 

11 , 1*1 • 1 1 • r n 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 • • o at fe with mate- 

dies, to which girdle is taltned a bagg, in which his mitru- rials to jirike 
ments be with which hee can ftrike fire upon any occafion. 1 fi reat<aiitmes - 

1 In his Latin poem on New England, 
which the Rev. William Morell wrote 
during his eighteen months' relldence at 
Weffagufiet as the fpiritual head of the 
Robert Gorges fettlement of 1623, there 
is a defcription of the Indian and his 
garments. The following is the author's 
Englifh rendering of his more elegant 
Latin original : — 

" Whofe hayre is cut with greeces, yet a 

Is left ; the left fide bound up in a knott : 
Their males finall labour but great pleaf- 

ure know, 
Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow ; 
Traind up to fuffer cruell heat and cold, 
Or what attempt fo ere may make them 

bold ; 
Of body ftraight, tall, ftrong, mantled in 

Of deare or bever, with the hayre-fide in ; 
An otter fkin their right armes doth keepe 

To keepe them fit for ufe, and free from 

harme ; 


A girdle fet with formes of birds or beads, 
Begirts their wafte, which gentle gives 

them eafe. 
Each one doth modeflly bind up his fhame, 
And deare-fkin ftart-ups reach up to the 

fame ; 
A kind of fin/en keeps their feet from cold, 
Which after travels they put off, up-fold, 
Themfelves they warme, their ungirt limbes 

they reft 
In ftraw, and houfes, like to flies." 

1. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 131. 

Wood's defcription of the Indian ap- 
parel is very like Morton's. He fays, 
however : " The chiefe reafons they ren- 
der why they will not conforme to our 
Englifh apparell are becaufe their women 
cannot wafh them when they be foyled, 
and their meanes will not reach to buy 
new when they have done with their old ; 
and they confidently beleeve, the Englifh 
will not be fo liberall as to furnifh them 
upon gifture : therefore they had rather 
goe naked than be loufie, and bring their 


144 New Englifli Canaan. 

Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer 
of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left fhoulder 
with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne 
away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end ; 
and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe feeme to me to be 
hanfomer then when they are in Englifh apparrell, their 
gefture being anfwerable to their one habit and not unto 

Their women have fhooes and ftockinges to weare like- 
wife when they pleafe, fuch as the men have, but the mantle 
they ufe to cover their nakedneffe with is much longer then 
that which the men ufe ; for, as the men have one Deeres 
fkinn, the women have two foed together at the full lenght, 
and it is fo lardge that it trailes after them like a great 
Ladies trane ; and in time I thinke they may have their 
Pages to beare them up ; and where the men ufe but one 
Beares fkinn for a Mantle, the women have two foed togeth- 
er ; and if any of their women would at any time fhift one, 
they take that which they intend to make ufe of, and 
* 31 *caft it over them round, before they fhifte away the 


bodies out of their old tune, making them with the hayre, but in Sommer without, 

more tender by a new acquired habit, The better fort ufe large mantels of 

which poverty would conftrain them to Deare fkins, not much differing in fafh- 

leave." (Profpeft, p. 56). ion from the Irifli mantels. Some im- 

The defcription given by Winflow brodered with white beads, fome with 

(Young's Chron. of Pilg.,\>. 365) is very copper, others painted after their man- 

fimilar to Morell's. See alfo Gookin's ner. But the common fort have fcarce 

Indians, I. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. to cover their nakedneffe, but with graffe, 

152; Joffelyn's Two Voyages, 00. 128-9, the leaves of trees or fuch like. We have 

and Williams's Key, ch. xx. feene fome ufe mantels made of Turkey 

Smith {True Travels, vol. i. p. 129) feathers fo prettily wrought and woven 

fays : " For their apparell, they are with threads that nothing could be dif- 

fometimes covered with the fkinnes of cerned but the feathers." 
wilde beafls, which in winter are dreffed 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 145 

other, for modefty, being unwilling to be feene to dif- 
cover their nakedneffe ; and the one being fo caft over, tju Indians 
they flip the other from under them in a decent manner, a a e a ™ d nak{d- 
which is to be noted in people uncivilized ; therein they ne ^ e - 
feeme to have as much modefty as civilized people, and 
deferve to be applauded for it. 1 

Chap. VII. 

Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of 

perfons they are. 

THe women of this Country are not fuffered to be ufed 
for procreation untill the ripeneffe of their age, at 
which time they weare a redd cap made of lether, in forme 
like to our flat caps, and this they weare for the fpace of 12 
moneths, for all men to take notice of them that have any 
minde to a wife ; and then it is the cuftome of fome of their 
Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the firft fay or 
maidenhead of the females. 2 Very apt they are to be with 


1 Supra, 16, note. (Young's Chron. of Pila., p. 364) fays: 

2 Speaking of a ceremony common to — " When a maid is taken in marriage, 
the Algonquins and the Hurons, of pro- me firft cutteth her hair, and after wear- 
pitiating their filhing-nets by formally eth a covering on her head, till her hair 
marrying them every year to two young be grown out. Their women are di- 
girls, Parkman fays : "As it was indif- verfely difpofed ; fome as modeft, as 
penfable that the brides fhould be vir- they will fcarce talk one with another 
gins, mere children were chofen" {The in the company of men, being very 
Jefuits in North America, p. lxix. note), chafte alfo ; yet others feem light, laf- 
The fubjecl; of female chaftity among civious, and wanton. . . . Some com- 
the Indians has already been referred to mon ftrumpets there are, as well as 
(fupra, p. 17), and it is extremely quef- in other places ; but they are fuch as 
tionable whether they had any concep- either never married, or widows, or put 
tion of it. Winflow, in his Good News away for adultery ; for no man will keep 





ii/Ii Q 


The women bfg childe, and very laborious when they beare children ; yea, 

laborwul. very when they are as great as they can be : yet in that cafe they 

neither forbeare laboure, nor travaile ; I have feene them in 

that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a 

horfe ; yet doe they not mifcarry, but have a faire delivery, 

and a quick : their women are very good midwifes, 


32 and the women very lufty after * delivery, and in a day 
or two will travell or trudge about. 1 Their infants 

fuch an one to wife." Strachey (Hif- 
torie, p. 65), fays of the Virginians : 
"Their younger women goe not fhad- 
owed [clothed] amongft their owne com- 
panie, until they be nigh eleaven or 
twelve returnes of the leafe old, nor are 
they much afhamed thereof, and there- 
fore would the before remembered Po- 
chahuntas, a well featured, but wanton 
yong girle, Powhatan's daughter, fome- 
tymes reforting to our fort, of the age 
then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the 
boyes forth with her into the markett 
place, and make them wheele, falling on 
their hands, turning up their heeles up- 
wards, whome (he would followe, and 
wheele fo her felf, naked as the was, all 
the fort over ; but being over twelve 
yeares, they put on akindoffemecinctum 
lethern apron (as doe our artificers or 
handycrafts men) before their bellies, 
and are very fhamefac't to be feen bare." 
Ellis, in his Red Man and White Man 
(p. 185), remarks on this point: "The 
obfcenity of the favages is unchecked in 
its revolting and difgufting exhibitions. 
Senfuality feeks no covert." 

Under thefe circumftances it is unnec- 
effary to fay that Morton's ftatements as 
to the red cap and the Sachem's privi- 
lege are pure fiction, and what Parkrnan 
fays of the Hurons is probably true of 
the Maffachufetts, — their women were 
wantons before marriage and houfehold 


drudges after it. CJefuits in North 
America, p. xxxv). 

1 To the fame effect Roger Williams 
fays : " Moll of them count it a fhame 
for a woman in travell to make com- 
plaint, and many of them are fcarcely 
heard to groane. I have often known in 
one quarter of an hour a woman merry 
in the houfe, and delivered and merry 
again : and within two dayes abroad, and 
after foure or five dayes at worke." 
{Key, ch. xxiii.). See alio Joffelyn's 
Two Voyages, p. 127. Wood's account 
is almoft as comprehenfive, though not 
quite fo detailed and graphic as Jofle- 
lyn's : " They likewife few their huf- 
band's fhooes, and weave mats of Turkic 
feathers ; befides all their ordinary 
houfehold drudgery which dayly lies 
upon them, fo that a bigge belly hinders 
no bufmeffe nor a childbirth takes much 
time, but the young infant being greafed 
and footed, wrapped in a Beaver fkin, 
bound to his goode behaviour with his 
feete up to his bumme, upon a board two 
foot long and one foot broade, his face 
expofed to all nipping weather, this little 
Pappoufe travels about with his bare- 
footed mother, to paddle in the Icie 
Clammbanks after three or four daies 
of age have fealed his paffe-board and 
his mother's recovery." (Pro/peel, p. 
82). See alfo Young's Chron. of Pilg^ 

P- 358- 


New Englifh Canaan. 147 

are borne with haire on their heads, and are of complexion 
white as our nation ; but their mothers in their infancy- 
make a bath of Wallnut leaves, hufkes of Walnuts, and fuch children 
things as will ftaine their fkinne for ever, wherein they dip &Ju U 
and wafhe them to make them tawny 1 ; the coloure of their 
haire is black, and their eyes black. Thefe infants are car- 
ried at their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of 
a board forket at both ends, whereon the childe is fait bound 
and wrapped in furres; his knees thruft up towards his 
bellie, becaufe they may be the more ufefull for them when 
he fitteth, which is as a dogge does on his bumme : and 
this cradle furely preferues them better then the cradles of 
our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned, 
not any of them crooked backed or wry legged : and to give 
their charracler in a worde, they are as proper men and 
women for feature and limbes as can be found, for nefh and 
bloud as active : longe handed they are, (I never fawe a 


1 The idea that the Indian was born of the fuppofed procefs : The Indians 

white was very commonly entertained " are generally of a cullour browne or 

in the firft half of the feventeenth cen- rather tawny, which they caft themfelves 

tury. Lechford, in his Plaine Dealing, into with a kind of arfenick ftone, . . . 

fays (p. 50) : " They are of complexion and of the fame hue are their women ; 

fwarthy and tawny ; their children are howbeit, yt is fuppofed neither of them 

borne white, but they bedaube them with naturally borne fo difcouloured ; for Cap- 

oyle, and colours, prefently." Joffelyn tain Smith (lyving fomtymes amongft 

alfo fpeaks of the Indians "dying them) affirmeth how they are from the 

[their children] with a liquor of boiled womb indifferent white, but as the men, 

Hemlock-Bark {Two Voyages, p. 128). fo doe the women, dye and difguife them- 

Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith felves into this tawny cowler, efteeming 

fays : " To make [their children] hardie, yt the beft beauty to be neereft fuch a 

in the coldeft mornings they them warn kynd of murrey as a fodden quince is 

in the rivers, and by paynting and oynt- of (to liken yt to the neereft coulor I 

ments fo tanne their fkinnes, that after can), for which they daily anoint both 

a year or two, no weather will hurt face and bodyes all over with fuch a 

them." {True Travels, vol. i. p. 131). kind of fueus or unguent as can caft 

Strachey gives a more particular account them into that ftayne." {Hijlorie, p. 63). 

148 New Englifli Canaan, 

clunchfifted Salvadg amongft them all in my time.) 1 The 
colour of their eies being fo generally black made a Salvage, 
that had a younge infant whole eies were gray, fhewed him 
to us, and faid they were Englifh mens eies; I tould the 
Father that his fonne was nan weeteo, which is a baftard ; 
hee replied litla CheJJietue fquaa? which is, hee could not 
tell, his wife might play the whore ; and this childe the father 
defired might have an Englifli name, becaufe of the lite- 
neffe 3 of his eies, which his father had in admiration be- 
caufe of novelty amongft their nation. 

* 33 *Chap. VIII. 

Of their Reverence, and refpecl, to age. 

IT is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a prefident, 
that a Nation yet uncivilizied fhould more refpecl aw 
Sxf U ' then fc> m e nations civilized, fince there are fo many precepts 
both of divine and humane writers extant to inftrucl: more 


1 " If there was noticed a remarka- Titta fhould be tatta, a word com- 
ble exemption from phyfical deformi- mon among Indians, which is well 
ties, this was probably not the effec~t of enough tranflated by Morton. Eliot 
any peculiar congenital force or com- renders it ' I know not,' and R. Williams 
pletenefs, but of circumftances which adds to this meaning, ' I cannot tell ; it 
forbade the prolongation of any imper- may be fo.' 

feci life. The deaf, blind or lame child " CheJJietue is unknown to me, but 

was too burdenfome to be reared, and I am inclined to believe that Morton 

according to a favage eftimate of uieful- heard fomething like it, in the connec- 

nefs and enjoyment, its prolonged life tion and fubftantially with the meaning 

would not requite its nurture." Palfrey, he gives it, — fome adjective of difpraife, 

vol. i. p. 23. qualifying fquaa, or, as we write it, 

2 Mr. Trumbull writes : " Morton's /gnaw" 

nan weeteo ftands for Eliot's nanwe- 8 [likenefle.] See fupra, ni,note 1. 
tee' (jianwetue, Cotton), 'a baftard.' 

New Englifli Canaan. 149 

Civill Nations : in that particular, wherein they excell, the 
younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people, and at 
their commaunds in every refpect without grummbling ; x in 
all councels, (as therein they are circumfpect to do their ac- 
ciones by advife and councell, and not rafhly or inconfider- 
ately,) the younger mens opinion mall be heard, but the old 
mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed : befides, 
as the elder feede and provide for the younger in infancy, fo 
doe the younger, after being growne to yeares of manhood, 
provide for thofe that be aged : and in diftribution of Acctes 
the elder men are nrft ferved by their difpenfator ; and their 
counfels (efpecially if they be powahs) are efteemed as 
oracles amongft the younger Natives. 

The confideration of thefe things, mee thinkes, mould 
reduce fome of our irregular young people of civilized 
Nations, when this ftory mail come to their knowledge, to 


1 The obfervations of Roger Wil- To the fame effect Champlain wrote 
liams led him to a different conclufion : {Voyages, vol. iii. p. 170): "The chil- 
" Their affections, efpecially to their dren have great freedom among thefe 
children, are very ftrong. . . . This ex- tribes. The fathers and mothers in- 
treme affection, together with want of dulge them too much, and never pun- 
learning, makes their children faucie, ifh them. Accordingly they are fo bad 
bold and undutifull. I once came into and of fo vicious a nature, that they 
a houfe, and requefted fome water to often ftrike their mothers and others, 
drink ; the father bid his fonne (of The moft vicious, when they have 
fome 8 yeeres of age) to fetch fome acquired the ftrength and power, ftrike 
water : the boy refufed, and would not their fathers. They do this whenever 
ftir; I told the father, that I would cor- the father or mother does anything that 
reft my child, if he fhould so difobey does not pleafe them. This is a fort 
me &c. Upon this the father took up of curfe that God inflicts upon them." 
a fticke, the boy another, and flew at Winflow, on the other hand, in his Good 
his father : upon my perfuafion, the News, lends fome fupport to Morton's 
poore father made him fmart a little, ftatement in the text. He fays : " The 
throw down his flick, and run for water, younger fort reverence the elder, and 
and the father confeffed the benefits of do all mean offices, whilft they are 
correction, and the evill of their too in- together, although they be ftrangers." 
dulgent affections." {Key, ch. v.) (Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 3°3-) 

150 New Englifh Canaan. 

better manners, and make them afhamed of their for- 
* 34 mer error in this kinde, and to * become hereafter 

more duetyfull ; which I, as a friend, (by obfervation 
having found,) have herein recorded for that purpofe. 

Chap. IX. 

Of their pretty conjuring tricks. 

IF we doe not judge amiffe of thefe Salvages in account- 
ing them witches, yet out of all queflion we may be bould 
to conclude them to be but weake witches, fuch of them as 
wee call by the names of Powahs : fome correfpondency 
they have with the Devil out of al doubt, as by fome of 
their accions, in which they glory, is manifefted. Papafi- 
quineo, 1 that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate efti- 
mation amongft all kinde of Salvages there : hee is at their 
Revels (which is the time when a great company of Salvages 


1 This Sachem, "the moft noted pow- declares of the Indians, "their chiefe 

ow and forcerer of all the country," is God they worfhip is the Devil" {True 

better known by the name of Paflacon- Travels, vol. i. p. 138) ; Mather inti- 

away. There is quite an account of mates that it was the devil who feduced 

him in Drake's Book of the Indians the firft inhabitants of America into it 

(B. in. ch. vii). He is the Piffacan- (Magnalia, B. 1. ch. i. § 3), and Win- 

nawa mentioned by Wood in his Prof- throp, defcribing the great frefhet of 

pefl (p. 70), of whom the favages re- 1638, records that the Indians "being 

ported that he could "make the water pavvawing in this tempeft, the Devil 

burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, came and fetched away five of them " 

metamorphize himfelf into a flaming (vol. i. p. * 293). 

man." Morton fays of the Indian con- See alfo Gookin's Indians, 1. Alafs. 
jurers, " fome correfpondency they have Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 154; Young's 
with the Devil out of all doubt ;" Wood, Chron. of Pilg., p. 356; and Cham- 
to the fame effect, remarks that "by plain's Voyages, vol. iii. p. 171. Cham- 
God's permiffion, through the Devil's plain fays the Indians do not worfhip 
helpe, their charmes are of force to pro- any God ; "they have, however, fome 
duce effects of wonderment;" Smith refpect for the devil." 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 1 5 1 

meete from feverall parts of the Country, in amity with their 
neighbours) hath advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling 
tricks (as I may right tearme them) to the admiration of the 
fpeclators, whome hee endevoured to perfwade that he would 
goe under water to the further fide of a river, to broade for 
any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee per- 
formed by fwimming over, and deluding the company with 
caftins: a mift before their eies that fee him enter in and 
come out, but no part of the way hee has bin feene : like- 
wife by our Englifh, in the heat of all fummer to make Ice 
appeare in a bowle of faire water ; firft, having the water fet 
before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to 
their ufuall accuftome, and before the fame has bin 
ended a thick Clowde has darkned the * aire and, on a * 35 
fodane, a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed 
the natives ; in an inftant hee hath fhewed a firme peece of 
Ice to flote in the middeft of the bowle in the prefence of 
the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility 
of Satan, his confort. 

And by meanes of thefe Heights, and fuch like trivial 
things as thefe, they gaine fuch eftimation amongft the reft 
of the Salvages that it is thought a very impious matter for 
any man to derogate from the words of thefe Powahs. In 
fo much as hee that mould flight them, is thought to commit 
a crime no leffe hainous amongft them as facriledge is with 
us, as may appeare by this one paffage, which I wil fet forth 
for an inftance. 

A neighbour of mine that had entertain'd a Salvage into a Salvage en- 
his fervice, to be his fador for the beaver trade amongft his ^ iwda f ac - 
countrymen, delivered unto him divers parcells of commodi- 

152 New Englifli Canaan. 

ties fit for them to trade with ; amongfl the reft there was 

one coate of more efteeme then any of the other, and with 

this his new entertained marchant man travels amonft his 

countrymen to truck them away for beaver : as our cuftome 

hath bin, the Salvage went up into the Country amongfl: his 

neighbours for beaver, and returned with fome, but not enough 

anfvverable to his Mafteers expectation, but being called to an 

accompt, and efpecially for that one Coate of fpeciall note, 

made aniwer that he had given that coate to Tantoquineo, a 

Powah : to which his mafter in a rage cryed, what have I to 

doe with Tantoquineo ? The Salvage, very angry at the 

matter, cryed, what you fpeake ? you are not a very good 

man ; wil you not give Tantoq. a coat ? whats this ? as 

* 36 if he had offered * Tantoquineo the greateft indignity 

that could be devifed : fo great is the eftimation and 

reverence that thefe people have of thefe Iugling 1 Powahs, 

who are ufually fent for when any perfon is ficke and ill 

at eafe to recover them, for which they receive rewards 

An Fntfijii- as doe our Chirgeons and Phifitions ; and they doe make a 

TjLeSg. ° f trade of it, and boaft of their fkill where they come : 2 One 

amongfl the reft did undertake to cure an Englifhman of 

1 [Ingling.] Seefuftra, III. note I. HI. part, iii., where Mather fays: "In 

2 In regard to the Indian Powaws, moft of their dangerous diftempers, it is 
priefts, or medicine men, and their meth- a powaw that muft be fent for ; that is, 
ods of dealing with the fick, fee the de- a prieft who has more familiarity with 
tailed account in Champlain's Voyages, Satan than his neighbors ; this conjurer 
vol. iii. pp. 171— 8 ; Joffelyn's Two Voya- comes and roars and howls and ufes 
ges, p. 134; Wood's Prof peel, p. 71 ; Wil- magical ceremonies over the fick man, 
liams's Key, ch.xxxi.; Cookies Indians, and will be well paid for it when he is 
1. Mass. Hift.Coll., vol.i.p. 154; Young's done; if this don't effect the cure, the 
Chron. ofPilg., pp. 317, 357; Lechford's 'man's time is come, and there's an 
Plaine Dealing, (Trumbull's ed.) p. 117; end.' " For a fummary in Indian med- 
Parkman's Jefuits in North America, ical practice, fee further, Ellis's Red 
pp. lxxxiv-lxxxvii ; alfo Magnalia, B. Man and White A/an, pp. 127-33. 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 153 

a fwelling of his hand for a parcell of bifkett, which being 
delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods 
afide from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as 
may be conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that fwelling, 
and fent him about his worke againe. 

Chap. X . 

Of their duels, and the honourable ejlimation of viclory 

obtained thereby. 

THefe Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another: 
yet fuch hath bin the occafion that a difference hath 
happened which hath growne to that height that it has not 
bin reconciled otherwife then by combat, which hath bin per- 
formed in this manner : the two champions prepared for the 
fio;ht, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes HmotheSaiv- 
at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Chal- iheire dudis. 
lenger and challenged have chofen two trees, ftanding 
within * a little diflance of each other ; they have caft # 37 
lotts for the cheife of the trees, then either champion 
fetting himfelfe behinde his - tree watches an advantage to 
let fly his fhafts, and to gall his enemy ; there they continue 
fhooting at each other ; if by chaunce they efpie any part 
open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and 
ufe much agility in the performance of the tafke they have 
in hand. Refolute they are in the execution of their ven- 
geance, when once they have begunne ; and will in no wife 
be daunted, or feeme to fhrinck though they doe catch a clap 



New Englifli Canaan. 

with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner untill one or 
both be flaine. 

I have bin (hewed the places where fuch duels have bin 

performed, and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall 

Trees marked of the Combat, where that champion hath flood that had the 

tv/l€f€ tllCV fief- 

formeadueii. hap to be flaine in the duell : and they count it the greateft 
honor that can be to the ferviving Cumbatant, to fliew the 
fcares of the wounds received in this kinde of Conflict, and 
if it happen to be on the arme, as thofe parts are moft in 
danger in thefe cafes, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon 
that place of the arme, as a trophy of honor 
to their dying day. 

A marriage. 

*38 *Chap. XI. 

Of the maintaining of their Reputation. 

REputation is fuch a thing that it keepes many men in 
awe, even amongft Civilized nations, and is very much 
flood upon : it is (as one hath very well noted) the awe of 
great men and of Kings. And, fince I have obferved it to 
be maintained amongfl Salvage people, I cannot chufe but 
give an inflance thereof in this treatife, to confirme the 
common receaved opinion thereof. 

The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choife, when 
hee came to mans eflate, of a Lady of noble difcent, Daugh- 
ter to Papafiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territo- 
ries neare Merrimack River, a man of the befl note and 
eftimation in all thofe parts, and (as my Countryman M r . 


New Engli/Ii Canaan. 155 

Wood declares in his profpect) a great Nigromancer ; this 
Lady the younge Sachem with the confent and good liking 
of her father marries, and takes for his wife. 1 Great enter- 
tainement hee and his receaved in thofe parts at her fathers 
hands, where they weare fefled in the bed manner that 
might be expected, according to the Cuftome of their nation, 
with reveline and fuch other folemnities as is ufuall among-ft 
them. The folemnity being ended, Papafiquineo caufes a 
felected number of his men to waite upon his Daughter 
home into thofe parts that did properly belong to her Lord 
and hufband ; where the attendants had entertainment by 
the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen : the folemnity 
being ended, the attendants were gratified. 

Not long after the new married Lady had a great 
* defire to fee her father and her native country, from * 39 
whence fhee came ; her Lord willing to pleafure her 
and not deny her requeft, amongft them thought to be rea- 
fonable, commanded a felected number of his owne men to 
conduct his Lady to her Father, wher, with great refpecl:, 
they brought her ; and, having feafted there a while, returned 
to their owne country againe, leaving the Lady to continue 


1 Paffaconoway, already referred to made the fubject of a poem, The Bridal 

(fupra, p. 150, note), dwelt at a place of Pennacook, by Whittier, and Drake 

called Pennakook, and his dominions ex- repeats it ; but as Winnepurkitt is faid 

tended over the fachems living upon the by Drake to have been born in 1616, and 

Pifcataqua and its branches. The young to have fucceeded Montowampate as 

Sachem of Saugus was named Win- Sachem in 1633, and as Morton, at the 

nepurkitt, and was commonly known clofe of the prefent chapter, declares that 

among the Englifh as George Rumney- " the lady, when I came out of the 

marfh. He was a fon of Nanepafhemet, country [in 1630], remained ftill with her 

and at one time proprietor of Deer father," the whole ftory would feem to be 

Ifland in Bofton Harbor. (Drake's Book not only highly inconiiftent with what 

of the Indians, ed. 1851, pp. 105, in, we know of Indian life and habits, but 

27S.) The incident in the text has been alfo at variance with facts and dates. 

156 New Englifh Canaan. 

there at her owne pleafure, amongft her friends and old ac- 
quaintance ; where fhee paffed away the time for a while, and 
in the end defired to returne to her Lord againe. Her father, 
An ambaffage the old Papafiquineo, having notice of her intent, fent fome 
J pJiiqmneo 7<? of his men on ambaffage to the younge Sachem, his fonne in 
tw/a'sac/Jm. l aw > to l et nmi underftand that his daughter was not willing 
to abfent her felfe from his company any longer, and ther- 
fore, as the meffengers had in charge, defired the younge 
Lord to fend a convoy for her ; but hee, Handing upon 
tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation, 
returned to his father in law this anfwere, that, when fhe 
departed from him, hee caufed his men to waite upon her to 
her fathers territories, as it did become him ; but, now fhee 
had an intent to returne, it did become her father to fend 
her back with a convoy of his own people ; and that it flood 
not with his reputation to make himfelf or his men fo fervile, 
to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papafiquineo, having 
this meffage returned, was inraged to think that his young 
fon in law did not efteeme him at a higher rate then to 
capitulate with him about the matter, and returne[d] him 
this fharpe reply ; that his daughters bloud and birth de- 
ferred more refpect then to be fo flighted ; and, therefore, 
if he would have her company, hee were belt to fend or 

come for her. 

* 40 * The younge Sachem, not willing to under value 

himfelfe and being a man of a flout fpirit, did not 

flick to fay that hee fhould cither fend her by his owne 

Convey, or keepe her ; for hee was determined not 1 to floope 

fo lowe. 


1 [not determined.] Seefi//>ra, III, note 1. 

New Englijli Canaan. 157 

So much thefe two Sachems flood upon tearmes of repu- 
tation with each other, the one would not fend her, and the 
other would not fend for her, leaft it mould be any diminifh- 
ing of honor on his part that mould feeme to comply, that 
the Lady (when I came out of the Country) remained ftill 
with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, that 
Salvage people mould feeke to maintaine their reputation fo 
much as they doe. 

Chap. XII. 

Of their trafficke and trade one with another. 

ALthough thefe people have not the ufe of navigation, 
whereby they may trafficke as other nations, that are 
civilized, ufe to doe, yet doe they barter for fuch commodi- Beads injiead 
ties as they have, and have a kinde of beads, infteede of °f <mey ' 
money, to buy withall fuch things as they want, which they 
call Wampampeak : and it is of two forts, the one is white, 
the other is of a violet coloure. Thefe are made of the fhells 
of fifhe. The white with them is as filver with us ; the other 
as our gould: and for thefe beads they buy and fell, not 
onely amongft themfelves, but even with us. 

* We have ufed to fell them any of our commodities * 4 1 The name of 
for this Wampampeak, becaufe we know we can have Wampampeak. 

beaver againe of them for it : and thefe beads are currant in 
all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coaft 
to the other. 

And although fome have indevoured by example to have 
the like made of the fame kinde of fhels, yet none hath ever, 



New Englifli Canaan. 

as yet, attained to any perfection in the compofure of them, 
but that the Salvages have found a great difference to be 
in the one and the other ; and have knowne the counterfett 
beads from thofe of their owne making ; and have, and doe 
flight them. 1 

The fkinnes of beafts are fould and bartered, to fuch 


1 Joffelyn's account of the Indian 
wampum is written, more than any- 
other which has come down to us, in the 
fpirit of the New Canaan : " Their Mer- 
chandize are their beads, which are their 
money, of thefe there are two forts, blew 
Beads and white Beads, the firft is their 
Gold, the laft their Silver, thefe they 
work out of certain fhells fo cunningly 
that neither Jew nor Devil can counter- 
feit, they dril them and firing them, and 
make many curious works with them to 
adorn the perfons of their Sagamores 
and principal men and young women, as 
Belts, Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their 
womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, and 
links to hang in their ears. Prince 
Phillip, a little before I came for Eng- 
land, coming to Bofton, had a coat on 
and Bufkins fet thick with thefe Beads 
in pleafant wild works, and a broad belt 
of the fame ; his Accoutrements were 
valued at Twenty pounds. The Englifli 
Merchant giveth them ten (hillings a 
fathom for their white, and as much 
more or near upon for their blew beads." 
{Two Voyages, pp. 142-3.) 

There is a much better defcription of 
wampum in Lawfon's account of Caro- 
lina, quoted by Drake {Book of the In- 
dians, p. 328), in which he fays that 
wampum was current money among the 
Indians "all over the continent, as far 
as the bay of Mexico." Lawfon's ex- 
planation of the fact: that wampum was 
not counterfeited to any confiderable 
extent is much more natural than Mor- 

ton's. It coft more to counterfeit it than 
it was worth. " To make this Peak 
it coft the Englifli five or ten times as 
much as they could get for it; whereas 
it coft the Indians nothing, becaufe they 
fet no value upon their time, and there- 
fore have no competitors to fear, or that 
others will take its manufacture out of 
their hands." 

Roger Williams {Key, ch. xxvi.) de- 
votes confiderable fpace to this fubjecl, 
and fays : " They [the Indians] hang 
thefe firings of money about their necks 
and wrifts ; as alfo upon the necks and 
wrifts of their wives and children. They 
make [girdles] curioufly of one, two, 
three, foure and five inches thicknefs and 
more, of this money which (fometimes 
to the value of ten pounds and more) 
they weare about their middle and as a 
fcarfe about their flioulders and breafts. 
Yea, the Princes make rich Caps and 
Aprons (or fmall breeches) of thefe 
Beads thus curioufly fining into many 
formes and figures : their blacke and 
white finely mixt together " See alfo 
Trumbull's notes in his edition of the 
Key, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 3 1 . Parkman 
{Jcfuits in North America, pp. xxxi., 
lxi.) fays of wampum : " This was at 
once their currency, their ornament, their 
pen, ink and parchment." He defcribes 
the ufes to which it was put among the 
Hurons and Iroquois, but adds : " The 
art [of working it] foon fell into difufe, 
however ; for wampum better than their 
own was brought them by the traders, 


New Englifli Canaa7t. 159 

people as have none of the fame kinde in the parts where 
they live. 1 

Likewife they have earthen potts of divers fizes, from a 
quarte to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in ; very 
ftronge, though they be thin like our Iron potts. 

They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe 
price amongft them ; and thefe are difperfed by bartering 
one with the other, and are but in certaine parts of the 
Country made, where the feverall trades are appropriated to 
the inhabitants of thofe parts onely. 

So likewife (at the feafon of the yeare) the Salvages that 

live by the Sea fide for trade with the inlanders for frefh 

water, reles curious filver reles, 2 which are bought up of fuch 

as have them not frequent in other places : cheftnuts, 

and fuch like ufefull * things as one place affordeth, * 42 

are fould to the inhabitants of another, where they are 

a novelty accompted amongft the natives of the land. 3 And 

there is no fuch thing to barter withall, as is their Wham- 


Chapter XIII. 

befides abundant imitations in glafs and have been turned into " reles " through 

porcelain." the compofitor's inability to decipher 

1 " How have foule hands (in fmoakie copy. 

houfes) the firft handling of thefe Furres 3 There is not much to be faid on 

which are often worne upon the hands the manufactures, utenfils and trade of 

of Queens and heads of Princes ! " (Wil- the New England aborigines. Gookin 

Hams 's Key, p. 158.) (1. Mafs. Htfl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151) has 

2 There is obvioufly fome corruption a comprehenfive paragraph on the fub- 
of the original manufcript here, but I jedt, and there is a paflage in Joffelyn 
have been unable to obtain any even {Two Voyages, p. 143). See alfo Wil- 
plaufible fuggeftion of what word may liams's Key, ch. xxv. 

160 New Englifh Canaan. 


Chap. XIII. 

Of their Magazines or Storehowfes. 

k Hefe people are not without providence, though they be 
uncivilized, but are carefull to preferve foede in ftore 
What care they againft winter ; which is the corne that they laboure and 
'cor^forwZ dreffe in the fummer. And, although they eate freely of it, 
ter - whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care to keepe a con- 

venient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of winter, 
(like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground. 
Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a 
Hogfhead of corne a peece in them. In thefe (when their 
corne is out of the hufke and well dried) they lay their ftore 
in greate bafkets (which they make of Sparke 1 ) with matts 
under, about the fides, and on the top ; and putting it into 
the place made for it, they cover it with earth : and in this 
manner it is preferved from deflru6lion or putrifaction ; to 
be ufed in cafe of neceffity, and not elfe. 2 


1 Joffelyn alfo fpeaks of "bafkets, "Their corn being ripe, they gather it, 
bags and mats woven with Sparke.' 1 '' and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh 
{Two Voyages, p. 143.) "Spart," Mr. it to their barnes, which be great holes 
Trumbull writes, "was a northern Eng- digged in the ground in forme of a 
lifh name for the dwarf-rufh, and (as braffe pot, feeled with rinds of trees, 
'fpart' in the gloffaries) for ofiers, and wherein they put their corne, covering 
I gue/s, Morton's and JolTelyn's fparke it from the inquifitive fearch of their 
is another form of that name-" Gookin gurmundizing hufbands, who would eate 
fays (1. Mafs. Hijt. Coll., vol. i. p. 151): "P both their allowed portion, and re- 
" Some of their bafkets are made of ferved feed, if they knew where to finde 
rufhes ; fome, of bents ; others, of maize- it- But our hogges having found a way 
hufks ; others, of a kind of filk grafs ; to unhindge their barne doores, and 
others, of a kind of wild hemp ; and robbe their garners, they are glad to 
fome, of barks of trees." implore their hufbands helpe to roule 

2 Wood fays of the Indian women : the bodies of trees over their holes, to 


New Engli/Ji Canaan. 161 


And I am perfwaded, that if they knew the benefit * 43 
of Salte * (as they may in time,) and the meanes to 
make falte meate frefh againe, they would endeaver to pre- 
ferve fifhe for winter, as well as corne ; and that if any 
thinge bring them to civility, it will be the ufe of Salte, to 
have foode in ftore, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized 

Thefe people have begunne already to incline to the ufe TheybeggSaite 
of Salte. Many of them would begge Salte of mee for to 
carry home with them, that had frequented our howfes and 
had been acquainted with our Salte meats : and Salte I 
willingly gave them, although I fould them all things elfe, 
onely becaufe they fhould be delighted with the ufe there of, 
and thinke it a commodity of no value in it felfe, allthough 
the benefit was great that might be had by the ufe of it. 

Chap. XIV. 

Of their e Subtilety. 

THefe people are not, as fome have thought, a dull, or 
flender witted people, but very ingenious, and very 
fubtile. I could give maine inftances to maintaine mine 
opinion of them in this ; but I will onely relate one, which 
is a paffage worthy to be obferved. 


prevent thefe pioneers, whofe theevery have, too, a great unkindnefs for our 

they as much hate as their flefh." fwine ; but I fuppofe that is becaufe 

(Proffiefl, p. 81.) Mather alfo, in enu- the hogs devour the clams, which are 

merating the points of refemblance be- a dainty with them." 

tween the Indians and the Ifraelites, * See Ellis's Red Man and White 

{Magnalia, B. in. part iii.) fays : " They Man, p. 148 ; alfo, infra, 175, n. 

1 62 New Englifh Canaan, 

* 44 * In the Maffachuffets bay lived Cheecatawback, 1 
the Sachem or Sagamore of thofe territories, who had 
large dominions which hee did appropriate to himfelfe. 

Into thofe parts came a greate company of Salvages from 
the territories of Narohiganfet, to the number of ioo. per- 
fons ; and in this Sachems Dominions they intended to 

When they went a hunting for turkies they fpreade over 
fuch a greate fcope of ground that a Turkie could hardily 
efcape them : Deare they killed up in greate abundance, and 
feafted their bodies very plentifully : Beavers they killed by 
They trade no allowance ; the fkinnes of thofe they traded away at Waf- 
a jkmnes ea for rs fagufcus with my neighboures 2 for corne, and fuch other 
come. commodities as they had neede of ; and my neighboures had 

a wonderfull great benefit by their being in thofe parts. 
Yea, fometimes (like genious fellowes) they would prefent 
their Marchant with a fatt beaver fkinne, alwayes the tayle 
a beaver jkinnevjus not diminifhed, but prefented full and whole ; although 
I!» o/^grea/ the tayle is a prefent for a Sachem, 3 and is of fuch mafcu- 
ejiimaaon. \a[ ne vertue that if fome of our Ladies knew the benefit 
thereof they would defire to have fhips fent of purpofe to- 
trade for the tayle alone : it is fuch a rarity, as is not more 
efteemed of then reafon doth require. 

But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whofe poffeffions they 
ufurped, and converted the commodities thereof to their 


1 This Sachem has already been fuffi- were William Jeffrey, John Burfley and 
ciently referred to {Supra, p. II.) All fuch others of the Robert Gorges expe- 
that is known concerning him can be dition of 1623 as ftill remained there, 
found in Drake's Book of the India/is, {Supra, 4, 24, 30.) See alfo Mafs. Hifl. 
(ed. 1851), pp. 107-9. Soc - Proc - l8 7 8 > P- x 9 8 - 

2 Morton's neighbors at Weffagufcus 3 Infra, *-jy. 

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 163 

owne ufe, contrary to his likeing,) not being of power to 

refiffc them, praclifed to doe it by a fubtile ftratagem. a fubtiie plot 

And to that end * gave it out amongft us, that the * 45 

caufe why thefe other Salvages of the Narohiganfets 

came into thefe parts, was to fee what ftrength we were of, 

and to watch an opportunity to cut us off, and take that 

which they found in our cuftody ufefull for them ; And 

added further, they would burne our howfes, and that they 

had caught one of his men, named Mefhebro, and compelled 

him to difcover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or 

ftorehowfes were, and had taken away his corne ; and feemed 

to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter. 

And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, defires 
that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our 
howfes. This was graunted; and my neighbours put on 
corflets, headpeeces, and weapons defenlive and offenfive. 

This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caufed 
fome of his men to bring the Narohiganfets to trade, that 
they might fee the preparation. The Salvage, that was 
a ftranger to the plott, (imply comming to trade, and find- 
ding his merchants lookes like lobfters, all cladd in harneffe, 
was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it. 
Hafte hee made to trade away his furres, and tooke anything 
for them, wifhing himfelfe well rid of them and of the com- 
pany in the howfe. 

But (as the manner has bin) hee muft eate fome furmety 1 a Salvage 


before hee goe : downe hee fits and eats, and withall had an 


1 "Frumenty, n. [M(o furmenty and foned with fugar, cinnamon, &c." Web- 
fumety ; from Lat. frumentu»i\. Food fter. 
made of wheat boiled in milk, and fea- 

164 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

eie on every fide ; and now and then faw a fword or a dagger 
layd a thwart a head peece, which hee wondered at, 
* 46 and afked his * giude whether the company were not 
angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot) 
anfwered in his language that hee could not tell. But the 
harmeleffe Salvage, before hee had halfe filled his belly, 
flarted up on a fodayne, and ranne out of the howfe in fuch 
haft that hee left his furmety there, and ftayed not to looke 
behinde him who came after : Glad hee was that he had 
efcaped fo. 

The fubtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained 
a feare of being furprifed ; and lent to fee whether the ene- 
mies (as the Meffenger termed them) were not in the howfe ; 
and comes in a by way with his wifes and children, and 
ftopps the chinkes of the out howfe, for feare the fire might 
be feene in the night, and be a meanes to direcT: his enemies 
where to finde them. 

And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambaffador 
to his enemies a Salvage, 1 that had lived 12. moneths in Eng- 
land, to the end it might adde reputation to his ambaffage. 
a Salvage that This man hee fends to thofe intruding Narohiganfets, to tell 
Mowtks in them that they did very great injury to his Lord, to trench 
fo" gla an Am- u P on n ^ s prerogatives : and advifed them to put up their 
bajfador. pipes, and begon in time : if they would not, that his Lord 
would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the 
Englifh, who were up in armes already to take his part, and 
compell them by force to be gone, if they refufed to depart 

by faire meanes. 


1 Squanto. See infra, *io4- 

New Engli/Ii Canaan, 165 

This meffage, comming on the neck of that which 
* doubtleffe the fearefull Salvage had before related of * 47 
his efcape, and what hee had obferved, caufed all thofe 
hundred Narohiganfets (that meant us no hurt) to be gone 
with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled a good oppor- 
by the fubtilety of this Sachem, and loft the beft trade of ^ckh/bytiie 
beaver that ever they had for the time ; and in the end Radian. ° f 
found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was 
too late. 

Chap. XV. 

Of their admirable perfection, in the ufe of the fences. 

THis is a thinge not onely obferved by mee and diverfe 
of the Salvages of New England, but, alfo, by the 
French men in Nova Francia, and therefore I am the more 
incouraged to publifh in this Treatice my obfervation of 
them in the ufe of theire fences : which is a thinge that I 
fhould not eafily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my felfe 
had not bin an eie witneffe of what I fhall relate. 

I have obferved that the Salvages have the fence of feeing 755* salvages 
fo farre beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmoft f/eeinge{"t£r 
beleeve they had intelligence of the Devill fometimes, when %™ the Eng ' 
they have tould us of a fhipp at Sea, which they have 
feene * foener by one hower, yea, two howers fayle, * 48 
then any Englifh man that flood by of purpofe to 
looke out, their fight is fo excellent. 

Their eies indeede are black as iett ; and that coler is 
accounted the ftrongeft for fight. And as they excell us in 


1 66 New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

this particular fo much noted, fo I thinke they excell us in 
all the reft. 

This I am fure I have well obferved, that in the fence of 
fmelling they have very great perfection ; which is confirmed 
by the opinion of the French that are planted about Can- 
ada, who have made relation that they are fo perfect in the 
Salvages that ufe of that fence, that they will diftinguifh between a Span- 
T spanfard i'ird and a Frenchman by the fent of the hand onely. 1 And 
man% re; !t l am perfwaded that the Author of this Relation has feene 
{"dud ^ t/u ver y P r °t>able reafons that have induced him to be of that 
opinion ; and I am the more willing to give credit thereunto, 
becaufe I have obferved in them fo much as that comes to. 

I have feene a Deare paffe by me upon a neck of Land, 

and a Salvage that has purfued him by the view. I have 

accompanied him in this purfuite ; and the Salvage, pricking 

a Deare pur- the Deare, comes where hee findes the view of two deares 

vitw 0} the together, leading feveral wayes. One, hee was fure, was 

jounJZnd* frefh, but which (by the fence of feeing) hee could not judge ; 

killed. therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one ; and, 

by fmelling, fayes, that was not of the frefh Deare : then 

diggs hee up the other ; and viewing and fmelling to that, 

concludes it to be the view of the frefh Deare, which hee 

had purfued ; and thereby followes the chafe, and 

* 49 killes that * Deare, and I did eate part of it with him : 

fuch is their perfection in thefe two fences. 

Chapter XVI. 

1 In reference to this paffage, Mr. affertions in queftion. In fa6t, as there 
Francis Parkman writes: "I have were no Spaniards in Canada, and likely 
fearched my memory in vain for any- to be none on French veffels going there, 
tiling in the early French writers an- Indians of thofe parts would hardly have 
fwerfng to Morton's ftatement. I don't the opportunity of d i Hi ngui filing be- 
think that Cartier, Champlain, Biard, tween them by fmell or otherwife. In- 
Lefcarbot or Le Jeune, the principal wri- deed, they did not know the exiftence of 
ters before 1635, make the extraordinary fuch a nation." 

New Englifh Canaan. 167 

Chap. XVI. 

Of their acknowledgment of the Creatio7t, and immortality of 

the Soule. 


Lthough thefe Salvages are found to be without Reli- 

gion, Law, and King (as Sir William Alexander hath 
well obferved, 1 ) yet are they not altogether without the 
knowledge of God (hiftorically) ; for they have it amongft 
them by tradition that God made one man and one woman, 
and bad them live together and get children, kill deare, 
beafts, birds, fifh and fowle, and what they would at their 
pleafure ; and that their pofterity was full of evill, and made 
God fo angry that hee let in the Sea upon them, and 
drowned the greater! part of them, that were naughty men, 
(the Lord deitroyed fo;) and they went to Sanaconquam, m bdecfe of 
who feeds upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, ' vages ' 
where they imagine is the habitation of the Devill : ) the 
other, (which were not deflroyed,) increafed the world, and 
when they died (becaufe they were good) went to the howfe 
of Kytan, pointing to the fetting of the fonne ; 2 where they 


1 Supra, * 27, ?wte. " I have not met with the name San- 

2 " Kytan was an appellation of the aconquam elfewhere : at leaft I do not 
greateft 7iianito. The word fignifies remember feeing it except in Morton, 
'greateft' or 'pre-eminent' See my The derivation is apparently from a 
note (p. 207) in Lechford's Plaine Deal- word meaning to prefs upon, to op-prefs, 
ing (p. 120), where is mention of ' Ki- to crufh, or the like." (M anvfcript Let- 
tan, their good god.' Roger Williams ter of J. H. Trumbull, June 25. 1882.) 
in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, See, alfo, authorities referred to ft- 
names ' their god Kuttand to the fouth- pra, p.140, note, and alfo Ellis's Red Man 
welt' (Jewes in America, 1650, p. 6) and White Man. pp. 134-9. Morellhas 
but in his Key, he writes the name Cau- a paffage on the Indian's methods of 
tantowit ( To the Reader, p. 24.) i. e., worfhip in his poem. (1. Mafs. Hifl. 
Keihte-anito — 'greateft manito.' Coll., vol. i. p. 136.) 


New Englifli Canaan. 

The Sonne 
called Kytatt. 


eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now) 
to provide it. 

Kytan makes provifion (they fay) and faves them that 

laboure ; and there they fhall live with him forever, 

50 * voyd of care. 1 And they are perfwaded that Kytan 

is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and all 

manner of fruits. 

And that wee that ufe the booke of Common prayer doo it 
to declare to them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has com- 
maunded us, and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe 
of that booke ; 2 and doe make fo much accompt of it, that a 


1 Roger Williams fays : " They will 
relate how they have it from their 
Fathers, that Kantantowwit made one 
man and woman of a ftone, which diflik- 
ing, he broke them in pieces, and made 
another man and woman of a tree, which 
were the Fountaines of all mankind." 
(Key, ch. xxi.) 

" They believe that the foules of men 
and women goe to the Sou-weft, their 
great and good men and women to Can- 
tantowwit his Houfe, where they have 
hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal 
Joyes : Murtherers, theeves and Lyers, 
their fouls (fay they) wander reftleffe 
abroad." (lb.) 

Wood, enlarging on this, fays : " Yet 
do they hold the immortality of the 
never-dying foul, that it fhall paffeto the 
South-weft Elyftum, concerning which 
their Indian faith jumps much with 
the TurkiJJi Alchoran, holding it to be 
a kind of Paradife, wherein they fhall 
everlaftingly abide, folacing themfelves 
in odoriferous Gardens, fruitfull corn- 
fields, green meadows, bathing their 
hides in the coole ftreams of pleafant 
Rivers, and fhelter themfelves from 
heat and cold in the fumptuous Pallaces 
framed by the fkill of Natures curious 

contrivement. Concluding that neither 
care nor pain fhall moleft them but that 
Natures bounty wil adminifter all things 
with a voluntary contribution from the 
overflowing ftorehoufe of their Elyfian 
Hofpital, at the portall whereof they 
fay lies a great Dog, whofe churlifh 
fnarlings deny a Pax intrantibus. to un- 
worthy intruders." (Pro/peel, p. 79.) 

Parkman fays : " The primitive Indian 
believed in the immortality of the foul, 
but he did not always believe in a ftate 
of future reward and punifhment." 
CJefuits in North America, p. lxxx.) 
Referring to a cafe in which one of the 
Jefuits quoted an Indian as faying 
" there was no future life," Parkman 
adds : " It would be difficult to find an- 
other inftance of the kind." 

The romantic view of the Indian on 
this point was taken by Arnold, in his 
Hi/lory of Rhode I/land (vol. i. p. 78), 
and the realiftic view by Palfrey, in his 
New England (vol. i. p. 49); and, 
though writing at the fame time, the 
two feem to be controverting each other. 
See Ellis's Red Man and White Man, 
p. 115. 

2 Supra, p. 93. 

New Rnglifli Canaan. 169 

Salvage (who had lived in my howfe before hee had taken a 

wife, by whome hee had children) made this requeft to mee, 

(knowing that I allwayes ufed him with much more refpecl: 

than others,) that I would let his fonne be brought up in my a Salvage de- 

howfe, that hee might be taught to reade in that booke : }Z>i ° brmtgkt 

which requeft of his I granted; and hee was a very joyfull looLZ/Vmi. 

man to thinke that his fonne mould thereby (as hee faid) mon P ra y cr - 

become an Englishman ; and then hee would be a good 


I afked him who was a good man ; his anfwere was, hee 
that would not lye, nor fteale. 

Thefe, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be 

imagined ; all other are nothing in refpecl; of thofe ; 1 and 

hee that is free from thefe muft live with Kytan 

for ever, in all manner of 


*Chap. XVII. *5i 

Of their Annals and funerals. 

THefe people, that have by tradition fome touch of the Their cujiom 
immortality of the foule, have likewife a cuftome to * 


1 Roger Williams, alfo, in a paflage and fpeaking untruth : and unto Healing, 

juft quoted (fupra, 168, note), fpeaks efpecially from the Englifh " (i. Mafs. 

of the future punifhment fuppofed, Hijt. Coll., vol. i. p. 149). Winflow 

among the New England Indians, to be defcribes the fevere punifhments inflicl- 

allotted to thieves and liars. Joffelyn, ed for theft (Young's Chron. of Pilg., 

on the other hand, defcribes them as p. 364). Dodge, in his Wild Indians 

"veryfingurativeortheevifli'^Tw^F^- (pp. 63-5), explains this difcrepancy in 

ages, p. 125); and Gookin fays : "They the authorities. He fays: "All thefe 

are naturally much addicted to lying authors are both right and wrong. In 


i7 o New Englifh Canaan. 

make fome monuments over the place where the corps is 
interred : But they put a greate difference betwene perfons 
of noble, and of ignoble, or obfcure, or inferior difcent. For 
indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck 
in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each 
Their manner fide a plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a 

of Monuments. ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ qq ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ 

they erect fome thing over the grave in forme of a hearfe 
cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks mother, which the 
Plimmouth planters defaced becaufe they accounted it an act 
of fuperftition ; which did breede a brawle as hath bin before 
related ; 1 for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the 
monuments of the dead. They themfelves efteeme of it as 
piaculum ; and have a cuftome amongft them to keepe their 
annals and come at certaine times to lament and bewaile the 
lofTe of their freind ; and ufe to black their faces, which they 
At burriah, fo weare, inftead of a mourning ornament, for a longer or 
}2es. a ' r a fhorter time according to the dignity of the perfon : fo 
is their annals kept and obferved with their accuftomed 
folemnity. Afterwards they abfolutely abandon the place, 
becaufe they fuppofe the fight thereof will but renew their 
forrow. 2 


their own bands, Indians are perfectly faculty is held in the higheft eftima- 

honeft. ... It [theft] is the fole unpar- tion." 

donable crime anions Indians." He 1 The reference is to ch. iii. of the 

then defcribes, like Window, the fever- Third Booke {infra, *io6-8). This paf- 

ityof the puniflimentsinfliaed for thefts; fage would feem to indicate that the 

"but," he adds, "this wonderfully ex- third book of the New Canaan was writ- 

ceptional honefty extends no further ten firft, and that the two other books 

than to the members of his immediate were prepared fubfequently, probably in 

band. To all outfide of it, the Indian imitation of Wood's Profpccl. (See 

is not only one of the moft arrant fupra, 78.) 

thieves in the world, but this quality or 2 " Yea, I faw with mine owne eyes 


New E,7tgliJ7i Canaan. 


* It was a thing very offensive to them, at our firft ^52 
comming into thofe parts, to afke of them for any one 
that had bin dead ; but of later times it is not lb offenfively 
taken to renew the memory of any defeafed perfon, becaufe 
by our example (which they are apt to followe) it is made 
more familiare unto them ; and they marvell to fee no monu- 
ments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem 
is yet come into thofe parts, or not as yet deade ; becaufe 

they fee the graves all alike. 

Chapter XVIII. 

that at my late commi ng forth of the Coun- 
trey, the chiefe and mod aged peace- 
able Father of the countrey, Caunoflni- 
cus, having buried his fonne, he burned 
his owne Palace, and all his goods in it, 
(amongft them to a great value) in a 
follemne remembrance of his fonne, and 
in a kind of humble Expiation to the 
Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken 
his fonne from him." (Williams's Key, 
ch. xxxii.) In the fame paffage Williams 
fays : " Upon the Grave is fpread the Mat 
that the party died on, the Difh he ate 
in, and, fometimes, a faire Coat of fkin 
hung upon the next tree to the Grave, 
which none will touch, but fuffer it there 
to rot with the dead." See alfo Young's 
Chron. of Pilg., pp. 142, 143, 154, 363 ; 
Strachey's Hi/lorie, p. 90. 

"In times of general Mortality they 
omit the Ceremonies of burying, expos- 
ing their dead Carkafes to the Beafts of 
prey. But at other times they dig a Pit 
and fet the difeafed therein upon his 
breech upright, and, throwing in the 
earth, cover it with the fods and bind 
them down with flicks, driving in two 
flakes at each end ; their mournings 
are fomewhat like the howlings of the 
Irifh, feldom at the grave but in the 
Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming 
the Devil for his hard-heartednefs, and 
concluding with rude prayers to him to 
afflict them no further." (Joffelyn, Two 
Voyages, p. 132.) There is a highly 
characleriftic paffage to the fame effect 
in Wood's Pro/peel, p. 79. 

172 New Englifli Canaan. 

Chap. XVIII. 

Of their Cuftome in burning the Country, and the reafon 


THe Salvages are accuftomed to fet fire of the Country 
in all places where they come, and to burne it twize 
a yeare, viz : at the Spring, and the fall of the leafe. The 
reafon that mooves them to doe fo, is becaufe it would 
The Saiva- other wife be fo overgrowne with underweedes that it would 
s coimiry' e De all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able 
twice a yeare. j n an y w ^ e to p a ff e through the Country out of a beaten 

The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall 
ftones, that they carry about them in baggs made for that 
purpofe of the fkinnes of little beaftes, which they convert 
into good lether, carrying in the fame a peece of 
* 53 touch wood, very excellent *for that purpofe, of their 
owne making. 1 Thefe minerall ftones they have from 
the Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the 
plantations in New England,) by trade and trafficke with 
thofe people. 

The burning of the graffe deflroyes the underwoods, and 
fo fcorcheth the elder trees that it fhrinkes them, and hin- 
ders their grouth very much : fo that hee that will looke to 
finde large trees and good tymber, mull not depend upon 
the help of a woodden profpe6t to finde them on the upland 

ground ; 

1 Supra, 143. 

New Rnglijli Canaan. 173 

ground ; x but muft feeke for them, (as I and others have 
done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett, 
when the Country is fired, by reafon of the fnow water that 
remaines there for a time, untill the Sunne by continuance 
of that hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth, and dried up 
thofe places where the fire, (by reafon of the moifture,) can 
have no power to doe them any hurt : and if he would 
endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee mull: not 
feeke for them on the higher grounds, but make his inqueft 
for them in the vallies, for the Salvages, by this cuftome of 
theirs, have fpoiled all the reft: for this cuftome hath bin 
continued from the beginninge. 

And leaft their firing of the Country in this manner 
fhould be an occafion of damnifying us, and indaingering 
our habitations, wee our felves have ufed carefully about the 
fame times to obferve the winds, and fire the grounds about 
our owne habitations ; to prevent the Dammage that might 
happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire fhould come neere 
thofe howfes in our abfence. 

* For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and * 54 
fpreads it felfe as well againft, as with the winde; 
burning continually night and day, untill a fliower of raine 
falls to quench it. 

And this cuftome of firing the Country is the meanes to 
make it paffable ; and by that meanes the trees growe here 
and there as in our parks : and makes the Country very 
beautifull and commodious. 

Chapter XIX. 

1 The reference is to Wood's New the Indian cuftom of firing the country 
England's ProfpeH, p. 13 ; where, alfo, in November is defcribed. 

174 New Englifh Canaan, 

Chap. XIX. 

Of their inclination to Drunkennejfe. 

ALthough Drunkenneffe be juflly termed a vice which 
the Salvages are ignorant of, yet the benefit is very 
great that comes to the planters by the fale of flrong liquor 
to the Salvages, who are much taken with the delight of it ; 
for they will pawne their wits, to purchafe the acquaintance 
of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, I never 
proffered them any fuch thing ; nay, I would hardly let any 
of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a 
Winnaytue, that is a rich man, or a man of eftimation next 
in degree to a Sachem or Sagamore. I alwayes tould them 
it was amongfl us the Sachems drinke. But they fay if I 
come to the Northerne parts of the Country I fhall have no 
trade, if I will not fupply them with lufty liquors : it is the 
life of the trade in all thofe parts : for it fo happened that 
thus a Salvage defperately killed himfelfe ; when hee was 
drunke, a gunne being charged and the cock up, hee fets 
the mouth to his breft, and, putting back the tricker with his 

foote, fhot himfelfe dead. 1 

Chapter XX. 

1 Gookinfays: "This beaftly fin of evil and beaftly fin of drunkennefs." 
drunkennefs could not be charged upon (i. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. i. p. 151.) 
the Indians before the Englifh and In regard to the peculiarities of In- 
other Chriftian nations, as Dutch, dian drunkennefs, fee Dodge's Wild 
French, and Spaniards, came to dwell Indians, pp. 333-5. What is there 
in America: which nations, efpecially faid of the Indians of "the plains" is 
the Englifh in New-England, have caufe probably true of all the northern Ameri- 
to be greatly humbled before God, that can Indians. " This paffion for intoxi- 
thev have been, and are, inftrumental to cation amounts almoft to an infanity. 
caufe thefe Indians to commit this great ... To drink liquor as a beverage, 


New Englifli Canaan. 175 

Chap. XX. * 55 

That the Salvages live a contended life. 

A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts 
of New England for a time, when hee retorned againe, 
in his difcourfe of the Country, wondered, (as hee faid,) that 
the natives of the land lived fo poorely in fo rich a Country, 
like to our Beggers in England. Surely that Gentleman 
had not time or leafure whiles hee was there truely to 
informe himfelfe of the ftate of that Country, and the happy 
life the Salvages would leade weare they once brought to 
- 1 muft confeffe they want the ufe and benefit of Naviga- The Salvages 

.. / i • 1 • j 1 r r n • n • /"> want the art 

tion, (which is the very linnus of a rlounlhing Common- j navigation. 
wealth,) yet are they fupplied with all manner of needefull 
things for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood. Foode 
and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true ufe of ; 
and of thefe they finde no want, but have, and may have, 
them in a moft plentifull manner. 1 


for the gratification of tafte, or for the a beaft, covering their hind-parts, their 

fake of pleafurable conviviality, is fome- fore-parts having but a little apron, 

thing of which the Indian can form no where nature calls for fecrecy; their 

conception. His idea of pleafure in diet has not a greater dainty than their 

the ufe of ftrong drink is to get drunk, Nokehick, that is a fpoonful of their 

and the quicker and more complete that parched meal, with a fpoonful of water, 

effect, the better he likes it." which will ftrengthen them to travel a 

1 " They live in a country where we day to-gether ; except we fhould men- 

now have all the conveniences of human tion the flefh of deers, dears, mqfe, 

life : but as for them, their houfeng is rackoons, and the like, which they have 

nothing but a few i?iats tyed about poles when they can catch them; as alfo a 

fattened in the earth, where a good fire little JiJJi, which, if they would pre- 

is their bed-clothes in the coldeft fea- ferve, it was by drying, not by falling ; 

fons ; their clothing is but a fkin of for they had not a grain of fait in the 


176 New Englifh Canaan. 

If our beggers of England fhould, with fo much eafe as 
they, furnifh themfelves with foode at all feafons, there 
would not be fo many ftarved in the ftreets, neither would 
fo many gaoles be fluffed, or galloufes furniflied with poore 

wretches, as I have feene them. 
* 56 * But they of this fort of our owne nation, that are fitt 
to goe to this Canaan, are not able to tranfport them- 
felves ; and moft of them unwilling to goe from the good ale 
tap, which is the very loadftone of the lande by which our 
Englifh beggers fteere theire Courfe ; it is the Northpole 
to which the flowre-de-luce of their compaffe points. The 
more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of 
fuch leaden capacities as to neglect fo brave a Country, that 
doth fo plentifully feede maine lufty and a brave, able men, 
women and children, that have not the meanes that a Civil- 
ized Nation hath to purchafe foode and rayment ; which 
that Country with a little induflry will yeeld a man in a 
very comfortable meafure, without overmuch carking. 

I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the prehemi- 
nence of an uncivilized, by meanes of thofe inftruments that 
are found to be common amongft civile people, and the 
uncivile want the ufe of, to make themfelves mafters of 
thofe ornaments that make fuch a glorious fliew, that will 
give a man occafion to cry, Jic tranjit gloria Mundi. 

Now fince it is but foode and rayment that men that live 
needeth, (though not all alike,) why fhould not the Natives 


world, I think, till we bellowed it on lin comments on the failure of the In- 

them." Ma^nalia, B. in. part iii. In dians to make any ufe of fait, even in 

his Letters and Notes on the North localities where it abounds. SzQf?tpra, 

American Indians (Letter No. 17) Cat- 161. 

New Knglifli Canaan. 177 

of New England be fayd to live richly, having no want of 
either? Cloaths are the badge of fmne ; and the more vari- 
ety of fafhions is but the greater abufe of the Creature : the 
beafts of the forreft there doe ferve to furnifh them at any 
time when they pleafe : fifh and flefh they have in greate 
abundance, which they both roaft and boyle. 

* They are indeed not ferved in dimes of plate with * 57 
variety of Sauces to procure appetite ; that needs not 
there. The rarity of the aire, begot by the medicinable 
quality of the fweete herbes of the Country, alwayes pro- 
cures srood flomakes to the inhabitants. 


I mufl needs commend them in this particular, that, 
though they buy many commodities of our Nation, yet they 
keepe but fewe, and thofe of fpeciall ufe. 

They love not to bee cumbered with many utenfilles, and 
although every proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things, 
(fo long as they will laft), are ufed in common amongft 
them : A bifket cake given to one, that one breakes it 
equally into fo many parts as there be perfons in his com- 
pany, and diftributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is fo much 
practifed by thefe people. 

According to humane reafon, guided onely by the light 
of nature, thefe people leades the more happy and freer They leade a 
life, being voyde of care, which torments the mindes of fo hUg v/yd of 
many Chriftians : They are not delighted in baubles, but care ' 
in ufefull things. 

Their naturall drinke is of the Criftall fountaine, and 
this they take up in their hands, by joyning them clofe to- 
gether. They take up a great quantity at a time, and drinke 
at the wrifts. It was the fight of fuch a feate which made 



New Englifh Canaan. 

They make 
ufe of ordi' 
nary things, 
one of an- 
others as 

Diogenes hurle away his difhe, and, like one that would 
have this principall confirmed, Natura paucis contentat, ufed 

a dim no more. 
* 58 * I have obferved that they will not be troubled with 

fuperfluous commodities. Such things as they finde 
they are taught by neceffity to make ufe of, they will make 
choife of, and feeke to purchafe with induftry. So that, in 
refpecl: that their life is fo voyd of care, and they are fo 
loving alfo that they make ufe of thofe things they enjoy, 
(the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein 
fo compaffionate that, rather than one mould ftarve through 
want, they would ftarve all. Thus doe they paffe awaye the 
time merrily, not regarding our pompe, (which they fee dayly 
before their faces,) but are better content with their owne, 
which fome men efteeme fo meanely of. 

They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting 

nothing that is needefull ; and to be commended for leading 

a contented life, the younger being ruled by the Elder, and 

the Elder ruled by the Povvahs, and the Powahs are ruled by 

the Devill ; * and then you may imagin what good 

rule is like to be amongft 



1 The relations fuppofed to exift be- 
tween the Indians and the devil have 
been referred to in a previous note, 
fupra, 150. It is, however, a fome- 
what curious faff that the aboriginal 
hierarchy, fuggefted in the text, had a 
few years before found its exact politi- 
cal counterpart in the talk of the Eng- 

lifh people. " ' Who governs the land ? ' 
it was afked. ' Why, the King.' ' And 
who governs the King ? ' ' Why, the 

King ? ' 
Duke of Buckingham.' 

' And who gov- 
Why, the Devil.' " 

erns the Duke ? ' 

(Ewald's Stories from the State Papers, 

vol. ii. p. 1 17.) 





The fecond Booke. 

Containing a defcription of the bewty of the Coun- 
try with her naturall indowements, both in 
the Land and Sea; with the great Lake of 

Chap. I. 

The generall Survey of the Country. 

N the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622, 
it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New 
England with 30. Servants, and provifion of all 
forts fit for a plantation : and whiles our howfes 
were building, I did indeavour to take a furvey of the 
* Country : The more I looked, the more I liked it. 
And when I had more ferioufly confidered of the bewty 




A famous 

180 New Englifli Canaan. 

of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke 

that in all the knowne world it could be paralel'd, for fo 

many goodly groues of trees, dainty fine round riling hil- 

Thdr faun- lucks, delicate faire large plaines, fweete criftall fountaines, 

dean a7 * an d cleare running ftreames that twine in fine meanders 

Cri/iaii. through the meads, making fo fweete a murmering noife to 

heare as would even lull the fences with delight a fleepe, fo 

pleafantly doe they glide upon the pebble ftones, jetting 

moft jocundly where they doe meete and hand in hand 

runne dovvne to Neptunes Court, to pay the yearely tribute 

which they owe to him as foveraigne Lord of all the fprings. 

Greate jiore Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles in 

andturtu- abundance, Fifh in multitude; and [I] difcovered, befides, 

doves. Millions of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which fate 

pecking of the full ripe pleafant grapes that were fupported 

by the lufty trees, whofe fruitfull loade did caufe the armes to 

bend : [among] which here and there difperfed, you might 

fee Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree : which made the Land 

tomee feeme paradice : for in mine eie t'was Natures Mafter- 

peece; Her cheifeft Magazine of all where lives her ftore : if 

this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore. 

What I had refolved on, I have really performed ; and 
I have endeavoured to ufe this abftracl: as an inftrument, to 
bee the meanes to communicate the knowledge which I 
have gathered, by my many yeares refidence in thofe 
* 6 1 parts, unto my Countrymen : # to the end that they 
may the better perceive their error, who cannot imag- 
ine that there is any Country in the univerfall world which 
may be compared unto our native foyle. I will now dif- 
cover unto them a Country whofe indowments are by learned 


New Rnglifh Canaan. 181 

men allowed to (land in a paralell with the Ifraelites Canaan, 
which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then 
Old England, in her proper nature. 

This I confider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a 
Chriftian man) to performe for the glory of God, in the firft 
place ; next, (according to Cicero,) to acknowledge that, Non 
nobis folum nati fitmus.fed partim patria, partim parentes, 
partim amici vindicant} 

For which caufe I muft approove of the indeavoures of my 
Country men, that have bin ftudious to inlarge the territories 
of his Majefties empire by planting Colonies in America. 

And of all other, I muft applaude the judgement of thofe 
that have made choife of this part, (whereof I now treat,) 
being of all other moft abfolute, as I will make it appeare 
hereafter by way of paralell. Among thofe that have fetled 
themfelvs in new England, fome have gone for their con- 
fcience fake, (as they profeffe,) and I wifh that they may plant 
the Gofpel of Iefus Chrift, as becommeth them, fincerely 
and without fatifme or faction, whatfoever their former or 
prefent praclifes are, which I intend not to juftifie : howfo- 
ever, they have deferved (in mine opinion) fome commenda- 
tiones, in that they have furnifhed the Country fo commodi- 
oufly in fo fhort a time ; although it hath bin but for their 
owne profit, yet pofterity will tafte the fweetnes of it, and 
that very fodainly. 

* And fmce my tafke, in this part of mine abftracl;, is * 62 


1 " Sed quoniam, (ut praeclare fcrip- parentes " are not in the original, but 

turn eft a Platone) non nobis folum have been inferted by modern fcholars 

nati fumus, ortufque noftri partem pa- as rendering; the quotation from Plato 

tria, vindicat, partem amici." De Offi- more correct. 
cits, Lib. 1. § 7. The words " partem 


New Englifh Canaan. 

to intreat of the naturall indowments of the Country, I 
will make a breife demonstration of them in order, fever- 
ally, according to their feverall qualities : and fliew you what 
they are, and what profitable ufe may be made of them by 

Chap. II. 

What trees are there and how commodious} 

i. oake. /^\Akes are there of two forts, white and redd; 2 excellent 
V-/ tymber for the building both of howfes and fhipping: 
and they are found to be a tymber that is more tough then 
the oak of England. They are excellent for pipe-ftaves, and 
fuch like veffels; and pipe-ftaves at the Canary Hands are a 
prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the 
iooo, 3 and will purchafe a fraight of wines there before any 


1 In annotating this chapter I have 
been indebted to Profeffors Afa Gray 
and C. S. Sargent of Harvard Univer- 
fity for affiftance, they having fent me 
feveral of the more technical notes. This 
and the five following chapters of the 
New Canaan have a certain intereft as 
being among the earlieft memoranda on 
the trees, animals, birds, fifh and geol- 
ogy of Maffachufetts. The only earlier 
publication of at all a fimilar character is 
Wood's New England 's Pro/peel, which 
appeared in 1634, and contained the re- 
fult of obfervations made during the four 
years 1629 to 1633. Morton's acquaint- 
ance with the country was earlier and 
longer than Wood's, but the New Ca- 
naan was not publi fhed until three years 
after the Profpecl, which it followed 
clofely in its defcription of the country 
and its products. Joffelyn's firft voyage 

was made in 1638, and his ftay in New 
England covered a period of fifteen 
months, July. 1638,10 October, 1639. His 
fecond vifit was in 1663, and Lifted until 
1 67 1 . The New England's Rarities was 
publiflied in 1672, and the Two Voyages 
in 1674. Joffelyn's alone of thefe works 
can make any pretence to a fcientific 
character or nomenclature, but the four 
taken together conftitute the whole body 
of early New England natural hiftory 
and geology. Only occafional reference 
to this clafs of fubjects is found in other 

2 The White Oake includes, no doubt, 
Ouercus alba and bicolor, and the Redd 
Oake, Quercus rubra, tincloria and coc- 

3 Edward Williams, in his Virginia 
(in. Force's Trails, No. 11. p. 14), writ- 
ten in 1650, fays: " Nor are Pipeftaves 


New Rnglijli Canaan. 183 

commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of 
which they are enforced alio to build fhippinge ; of oackes 
there is great abundance in the parts of New England, and 
they may have a prime place in the Catalogue of com- 

Aflie 1 there is ftore, and very good for ftaves, oares or 2. A/he. 
pikes ; and may have a place in the fame Catalogue. 

Elme : of this fort of trees there are fome ; but there hath 3- Elme. 
not as yet bin found any quantity to fpeake of. 

* Beech there is of two forts, redd and white ; 2 very * 63 4- Beech. 
excellent for trenchers or chaires, and alfo for oares ; 
and may be accompted for a commodity. 

Wallnutt : of this forte of wood there is infinite ftore, and 5. Walnutt. 
there are 4 forts : 3 it is an excellent wood, for many ufes 
approoved ; the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and 
are the beft for that imployement of all other ftuffe what- 
foever. The Nutts ferve when they fall to feede our fvvine, 
which make them the delicateft bacon of all other foode : 
and is therein a cheife commodity. 

Cheftnutt : of this forte there is very greate plenty, the 6. chejinuts. 
tymber whereof is excellent for building; and is a very 


and Clapboard a defpicable commodity, 2 It is interefting to note that, at this 

of which one man may with eafe make early day. two forms of our one fpecies 

fifteen thoufand yearely, which in the of Beech were diftinguifhed by the color 

countrey itfelfe are fold for 4 1. in the Ca- of the wood, a distinction which has often 

naries for twenty pound the thoufand, been adopted by Botanifts and is ftill 

and by this means the labour of one confidered by mechanics and woodf- 

man will yeeld him 60 1. per annum, at men. 

the loweft Market." 3 This refers, no doubt, to our differ- 

1 Probably Fraxinus Americana, al- ent fpecies of Hickory, although the 

though two other fpecies of Afli are Butternut (/Juglans cinerea) is common 

common in Maffachufetts, the Red and in MaiTachufetts. 
the Black Afh (F. pubefcens axid/ambu- 

184 New Englifli Canaan. 

good commodity, efpecially in refpecl; of the fruit, both for 
man and beaft. 

7. tHne. Pine : of this forte there is infinite ftore in fome parts of 

the Country. 1 I have travelled 10. miles together where is 
little or no other wood growing. 2 And of thefe may be made 
rofin, pitch and tarre, which are fuch ufefull commodities 
that if wee had them not from other Countries in Amity with 
England, our Navigation would decline. Then how great 
the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of our 
owne, let any man judge. 

s. Cedar. Cedar : 3 of this forte there is abundaunce ; and this wood 

was fuch as Salomon ufed for the building of that glorious 

Temple at Hierufalem ; and there are of thefe Cedars, firre 

trees and other materialls neceffary for the building of many 

faire Temples, 4 if there were any Salomons to be at the Colt 

of them : and if any man be defirous to finde out in 

* 64 what part of the * Country the beft Cedars are, he 

muft get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that 

are wet at the fpring of the yeare, where the moifture pre- 

ferves them from the fire in fpring time, and not in a woodden 

profpect. 5 This wood cutts red, and is good for bedfteads, 

tables and chefts ; and may be placed in the Catalogue of 

Commodities. ~ 

Cypres : 

1 Both the White and the Pitch Pine 4 This is clearly a contemptuous ref- 
(Pinusftrobus, and rigidd) are probably erence to Wood, who in his Profpe^l (p. 
referred to. 15) had faid, "The Cedar tree is a 

2 " For I have feene of thefe ftately tree of no great growth, not bearing 
high growne trees, ten miles together above a foote and a halfe fquare at the 
clofe by the River fide, from whence by mod, neither is it very high. I fuppofe 
fhipping they might be conveyed to any they be much inferiour to the Cedars of 
defired Port." (Wood's New England's Lebenon, fo much commended in holy 
Proffiefl, p. 15.) writ." 

8 The Red Cedar {jfuniperus virgi- 6 Supra, 173. 
nid) . 

New Englifli Canaan. 185 

Cypres : * of this there is great plenty ; and vulgarly this 9- Cypres. 
tree hath bin taken for another fort of Cedar ; but workemen 
put a difference betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, efpe- 
cially in the colour ; for this is white and that redd white : 
and likewife in the finenes of the leafe and the fmoothnes 
of the barque. This wood is alio fweeter then Cedar, and, 
(as it is in Garrets 2 herball,) a more bewtif ull tree ; it is of all 
other, to my minde, molt bewtifull, and cannot be denied to 
paffe for a commodity. 

Spruce 3 : of thefe there are infinite flore, efpecially in the 10. spruce. 
Northerne parts of the Country ; and they have bin ap- 
prooved by workemen in England to be more tough then 
thofe that they have out of the eafl country : from whence 
wee have them for mafts and yards of fhippes. 

The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. The spruce 
fadum about: and are reputed able, fingle, to make mafts %y^efa!md 
for the biggeft fhip that fayles on the maine Ocean, without fJi u % *" 4 
peeling ; which is more than the Eafl country can afford. 4 aboute - 
And feeing that Navigation is the very finneus of a flourifh- 
ing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree a 

principall place in the Catalogue of commodities. 


1 The White Cedar (Chamaecyparis Yards : It is generally conceived by 
thyoides) ; or perhaps Arbor -Vitae thofe that have fkill in Building of Ships, 
{Thuja occidentalis), which is the that here is abfolutely the beft Trees in 
" more bewtifull tree." the World, many of them being three 

2 A mifprint for Gerard, whofe Herb- Fathom about, and of great length." 
all, or Gencrall Hijlorie of Plants, was (JofTelyn, Rarities, p. 63.) " At Pafcat- 
publifhed in 1597, and Johnfon's edition away there is now a Spruce-tree brought 
of it in 1633. down to the water-fide by our Mafl-men 

3 This probably includes both the of an incredible bignefs, and fo long that 
Black Spruce {Picea nigra) and the no Skipper durft ever yet adventure to 
Hemlock (Truga canadenfis). fhip it, but there it lyes and Rots." 

4 " Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which {Two Voyages, p. 67.) 
they make Mafts for Ships, and Sail 

1 86 

New Englifh Canaan. 

ii. Alder. 

12. Birch. 

13. Maple. 

14. Eldeme. 

15. Haw- 

16. Vines. 


65 * Alder : of this forte there is plenty by rivers fides, 
good for turners. 

of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Coun- 
try. Of the barck of thefe the Salvages of the Northerne 
parts make them delicate Canowes, fo light that two men 
will tranfport one of them over Land whither 1 they lift; and 
yet one of them will tranfporte tenne or twelffe Salvages by 
water at a time. 

Mayple : 2 of thofe trees there is greate abundance ; and 
thefe are very excellent for bowles. The Indians ufe of it 
to that purpofe ; and is to be accompted a good com- 

Elderne: 3 there is plenty in that Country; of this the 
Salvages make their Arrowes, and it hath no ftrong unfavery 
fent like our Eldern in England. 

Hawthorne : of this there is two forts, one of which beares 
a well tafting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like 
little Queene apples. 

Vines : of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes 
of three colours : that is to fay, white, black and red. 4 

The Country is fo apt for vines, that, but for the fire at 
the fpring of the yeare, the vines would fo over fpreade the 
land that one fhould not be able to paffe for them ; 5 the fruit 
is as bigg, of fome, as a mufket bullet, and is excellent in 

tai * e# Plumtrees : 

1 [whether.] See/upra, ill, note 1. 

2 Probably the Sugar, Red and White 
Maples are intended : Acer facchari- 
num, rubriun and dafycarpum. It is 
lingular that no reference to the manu- 
facture of maple fugar by the Indians 

3 (Elder) Sambucus Canadenfis. 

* Wood {Pro/peel, p. 15) fays, "Two 
forts, Red and White." None of our 
native Grape vines bear White grapes. 

5 Supra, 173. 

New Engli/Ji Canaan. 187 

Plumtrees : * of this kinde there are many ; fome that beare 17- Piummes. 
fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis : others there be that doe 
beare fruite much bigger than peare piummes ; their colour 
redd, and their ftones flat ; very delitious in tafle. 

* Cheritrees there are abundance ; but the fruit is as * 66 18. cherries. 
fmall as our floes ; but if any of them were replanted 
and grafted, in an orchard, they would foone be raifed by 
meanes of fuch ; and the like fruits. 

There is greate abundance of Mufke Rofes in divers places : 19. Ro/es. 
the water diftilled excelleth our Rofewater of England. 

There is abundance of Saffafras 2 and Sarfaperilla, 3 grow- 20. sajfafras 
ing in divers places of the land ; whofe budds at the fpring 2I . sar/a- 
doe perfume the aire. pern a. 

Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited 
in this abftracT:, as goofe berries, rafberies, and other beries. 

There is Hempe 4 that naturally groweth, finer then our 
Hempe of England. 

Chapter III. 

1 Perhaps our little Beach plum {P. Thomas Wiggin, alfo, in writing of 
maritima) is intended. The wild Amer- New England in November, 1632, fays : 
ican Plum-tree is probably not a native "As good hempe and fflax as in any 
of Maffachufetts, although it was early parte of the world, growes there natu- 
cultivated by the aborigines and fettlers. rally." (in. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. viii. 

2 {Saffafras officinale?) p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native 

3 The Ginfeng (A ralia quinquefolia*), to New England or America. That 
or the Wild Sarfaparilla (Aralia nudi- fpoken of mull have been grown from 
caulis). feed brought over by the colonifts. 

4 In Chapter IX. of this Book {infra, Morton may have feen it growing in 
*94) Morton again refers to the growth garden foil at Plymouth and Weffaguf- 
of hemp in New England, as evidence fet, but that any field of it ever reached 
of the fertility of the foil. He declares a height of ten or ten and a half feet 
" that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote in eaftern Maffachufetts is very quef- 
high and tenne foote and a halfe." tionable. 

1 88 

New Engli/h Canaan. 


ram, Tyme, 


Angel I ic a, 



and Annifeeds. 


and Balme. 

Chap. III. 

Potthearbcs and other hcrbes for Sallets. 

THe Country there naturally affordeth very good pot- 
herbes and fallet herbes, and thofe of a more mafkuline 
vertue then any of the fame fpecies in England ; as Potmar- 
ioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Purfland, Violets, and 
Annifeeds, in very great abundance : and for the pott I 
gathered in fummer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to 

preferve for winter ftore. 
* 6y * Hunnifuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes 

are there, that grow without the induftry of man, that 
are ufed when occafion ferveth very commodiouily. 1 

Chapter IV. 

1 Profeffor Gray of Harvard Univer- 
fity has furnifhed me the following note 
on this chapter : — 

" Unlike Joffelyn, the author evidently 
was not an herbalift, and wrote at ran- 
dom. His pot-marjoram, thyme and 
balm, though not to be fpecifically iden- 
tified, and none of them of the fame 
fpecies as in England, muft be repre- 
fented by our American pennyroyal 
(Hedeoma pulegioides), a native mint 
(Mentha borealis), wild bafil {Pyaian- 
thanuni), and a fpecies of Mo7iarda, 
fometimes called balm, all fweet herbs 
of the New England coaft. Alexander 
is hardly to be gueffed. Angelica as a 
genus occurs here, but not the officinal 
fpecies. Wild farfaparilla (Aralia nn- 
dicaiilis) was probably in view. Purf- 
lane is interefting in this connection, 
adding as it does to the probability that 
this plant was in the country before the 

fettlement. There are no Annifeeds in 
New England, and it is impoffible to 
guefs what the author meant. It was 
probably a random ftatement founded 
on nothing in particular. The Honey- 
fuckles were doubtlefs the two fpecies 
of Azalea to which the name is ftill 
applied." Wood alfo fays {Profpecl, pp. 
ii, 12), "There is likewife growing all 
manner of Hearbes for meate and medi- 
cine, and not only in planted Gardens, 
but in the woods, without either the art or 
helpe of man, as fweete Marjoram, Purfe- 
lane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle, 
Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c." See alfo Mr. 
Tuckerman's introductory matter and 
notes, in his edition of New England's 
Rarities [1865], and ProfefTor Gray's 
chapter (vol. i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of 
Bofton and vicinity, and the changes it 
has undergone, in the Memorial Hijlory 
of Bo/ion. 


New Engli/Ii Canaan. 189 

Chap. IV. 

Of Birds, and f ether ed fowles} 
Ow that I have breifly fhewed the Commodity of the 

trees, herbes, and fruits, I will mew you a defcrip- 
tion of the fowles of the aire ; as moft proper in ordinary 

And firft of the Swanne, 2 becaufe fhee is the biggeft of all Swannes. 
the fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merri- 
mack River, and in other parts of the country, greate ftore 
at the feafons of the yeare. 

The nefh is not much defired of the inhabitants, but the 
fkinnes may be accompted a commodity fitt for divers ufes, 
both for fethers and quiles. 

There are Geefe of three forts, vize : brant Geefe 3 which Geefe, pide, 
are pide, and white Geefe 4 which are bigger, and gray Geefe 5 J r "/.' l 
which are as bigg and bigger then the tame Geefe of Eng- 

1 For the greater part of the notes to likewife many Swannes which frequent 
this chapter, and for all thofe of a tech- the frefh ponds and rivers, feldome con-, 
nical character, I am indebted to Mr. forting themfelves with Duckes and 
William Brewfter, of Cambridge. To Geefe ; thefe be very good meate, the 
his notes I have added a few references price of one is fix millings." In his 
to, and extracts from, other early works enumeration of birds of New England, 
more or lefs contemporaneous with the Joffelyn {Two Voyages, p. ioo) men- 
New Canaan. tions " Hookers or wild-.Swtftt.s-." This 

2 Probably the Whiftling Swan {Cyg- bird is not included in Peabody's Report 
nus Americanus), now a rare vifitor to on the Ornithol. of Majfachnfetts (1839). 
New England. Wood, alfo, in his poet- 3 The Brant (Bernicla brenta), com- 
ical enumeration of birds and fowls mon at the prefent day. 

{Pro/peel, p. 23), fpeaks of 4 The Snow Goofe {Anfer hyperbore- 

« The Silver Swan that tunes her mournf ull «*). now r , are in , New £ n f \* n £> although 

breath common throughout the Welt. 

To fing the di'rge of her approaching death." 5 The Canada Goofe {Bernicla Cana- 

Further on (p. 26) he fays, " There be den f ls )- 

190 New Englifli Canaan. 

land, with black legges, black bills, heads and necks black ; 

the flefli farre more excellent then the Geefe of England, 

wild or tame ; yet the purity of the aire is fuch that the 

biggeft is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple 

of men. There is of them great abundance. I have had 

often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne. I never 

* 68 faw any in * England, for my part, fo fatt as I have 

killed there in thofe parts ; the fethers of them makes 

a bedd fofter then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is 

Fethers pay there a very good commodity ; the fethers of the Geefe, that 

an//kott. er I nave killed in a fhort time, have paid for all the powther 

and fhott I have fpent in a yeare, and I have fed my doggs 

with as fatt Geefe there as I have euer fed upon my felfe 

in England. 

Ducks pide, Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks, 

gray, & c . an j black Ducks in greate abundance : the moft about my 

habitation were black Ducks: 1 and it was a noted Cuftome 

at my hovvfe, to have every mans Duck upon a trencher; 

and then you will thinke a man was not hardly ufed : they 

are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England : very 

fatt and dainty flefli. 

The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unleffe they 
were boyled now and than for to make broath. 
Teaies, greene Teales there are of two forts, greene winged, and blew 
winged : 2 but a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with 


1 The Black Duck {Anas ob/cura), wholly extin£t ; the Gray Duck is prob- 

flill abundant. The identity of the other ably the Pintail {Dafila acuta). 

two is doubtful ; the Pide Duck may 2 The Green-winged Teal {Qtterqtie- 

have been the Pied or Labrador Duck dula Carolinenfcs) and the Blue-winged 

(Camptola-tuus Labradorius), a fpecies Teal (Querqneditla difcors), both noted 

formerly common but now nearly if not for the delicacy of their flefh. 

and blew. 

New Englifk Canaan. 191 

a roft of thefe for a fecond courfe. I had plenty in the 
rivers and ponds about my howfe. 

Wido-gens l there are, and abundance of other water foule, widggcns. 
fome fuch as I have feene, and [fome] fuch as I have not 
feene elfe where before I came into thofe parts, which are 
little regarded. 

Simpes 2 there are like our Simpes in all refpecls, with Simpes. 
very litle difference. I have mot at them onely to fee what 
difference I could flnde betweene them and thofe of my 
native Country, and more I did not regard them. 

*Sanderlings 3 are a dainty bird, more full boddied * 69 Sanderiings. 
than a Snipe ; and I was much delighted to feede on 
them becaufe they were fatt and eafie to come by, becaufe 
I went but a ftepp or to for them : and I have killed be- 
tweene foure and five dozen at a moot, which would loade 
me home. Their 

1 Probably the American Widgeon, or in which the bird in queftion is alluded 
Baldpate (Mareca Americana). The to, it would be inferred that Simpes was 
name Widgeon is fometimes applied a natural mifprint for Snipes. That, 
to other fpecies, however. however, is clearly not the cafe. 

2 Probably fome fpecies of web-footed 3 The Sanderling (Calidris arenaria), 
bird, but exactly what is not clear. Mr. a common Sandpiper, peculiar in lacking 
Merriam, in his Review of the Birds of the ufual hind toe. The context indi- 
Conneclicut (pp. 104-5), identifies Mor- cates that other fhore birds were included 
ton's Simpe as the American Wood- under this name. " There are little Birds 
cock (Philohela minor), but in this he that frequent the Sea-fhore in flocks 
is doubtlefs in error. In the firft place, called Sander/ins, they are about the 
it is not likely that a keen fportfman bignefs of a Sparrow, and in the fall of 
like Morton would have fhot woodcock the leaf will be all fat ; when I was firft 
merely out of curiofity, and "more did in the Countrie the Englijli cut them 
not regard them;" in the fecond place, into fmall pieces to put into their Pud- 
JolTelyn, in enumerating the different dings inftead of fuet. I have known 
forts of ducks, fpeaks of " Widgeons, twelve fcore and above kill'd at two 
Simps, Teal, Blew wing'd and green fhots." (JofTelyn's Two Voyages, p. 102.) 
wing'd." {Two Voyages, p. 101.) But To precifely the fame effect Wood fays 
for the reference in the next paragraph {Profpecl, p. 27), " I myfelfe have killed 
in the text, and the difparaging manner twelve fcore at two fhootes." 

192 New Englifh Canaan. 

Their foode is at ebbing water on the fands, of fmall feeds 
that grows on weeds there, and are very good paftime in 
Cranes. Cranes * there are greate ftore, that ever more came there 

at S. Davids day, and not before : that day they never would 

Thefe fometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their pre- 
emption well enough ; and ferveth there in powther, with 
turnips, to fupply the place of powthered beefe, and is a 
goodly bird in a dime, and no difcommodity. 
Turkies. Turkies 2 there are, which divers times in great flocks have 

fallied by our doores ; and then a gunne, being commonly 
in a redineffe, falutes them with fuch a courtefie, as makes 
them take a turne in the Cooke roome. They daunce by 
the doore fo well. 

Of thefe there hath bin killed that have weighed forty 
eight pound a peece. 3 ~>, 

1 Neither the Whooping Crane (Grus yoke range, where fome are taken every 
Americana) nor the Sandhill Crane (Grus year." Its total extinction probably 
pratcnfis) is now found in New Eng- occurred only a few years later. 

land. The latter is probably the fpecies 3 Probably an exaggeration, although 

referred to here. Our large Heron Audubon mentions one that weighed 

(Ardea herodias) is often called Crane thirty-fix pounds ; the ordinary weight 

by country people, but it does not eat of the full-grown male is from fifteen to 

corn, and " in a difhe " would hardly be twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twen- 

confidered "a goodly bird." ty-five pounds being an unufually large 

2 The Wild Turkey {Meleagris galli- bird. Yet Morton's ftatement is fully 
pavo Americana) is mentioned by all the borne out by other contemporary author- 
early writers as an abundant bird; but ities. Wood fays, " The Turky is a very 
it difappeared almoft as rapidly as the large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white 
Indians, before the encroachment of the in flefh ; much bigger then our Englifh 
white fettiers. Peabody, writing in 1839 Turky. He hath the ufe of his long legs 
{Report on the FiJ/ies, Reptiles, and fo ready, that he can runne as faft as a 
Birds of Majfachufetts, p. 352), fays : Dogge, and flye as well as a Goofe : of 
"It is ftill found occafionally in our thefe fometimes there will be forty, three- 
wellern mountains, and alfo on the Hoi- fcore and an hundred of a flocke, fome- 

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 


They are by mainy degrees fweeter then the tame Tur- 
kies of England, feede them how you can. 

I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning, 
and they have brought home their loades about noone. 

* I have afked them what number they found in the * 70 
woods, who have anfwered Neent Metawna, 1 which is 
a thofand that day ; the plenty of them is fuch in thofe parts. 
They are eafily killed at roofte, becauie, the one being killed, 
the other fit fall nevertheleffe ; and this is no bad com- 

There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called P j iei f ants , 


times more and fometimes leffe ; their 
feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and Berries, 
fome of them get a haunt to frequent our 
EngliJJi corne : In Winter when the 
Snow covers the ground, they refort to 
the Sea-fhore to looke for Shrimps, and 
fuch fmall fiflies at low tides. Such as 
love Turkie hunting muft follow it in 
Winter after a new falne Snow, when he 
may follow them by their tracts ; fome 
have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a 
day ; if they can be found towards an 
evening, and watched where they peirch, 
if one came about ten or eleaven of the 
clocke, he may fhoote as often as he 
will, they will fit, unleffe they be flen- 
derly wounded. Thefe Turkies remain 
all the yeare long. The price of a good 
Turkie cocke is foure millings : and he 
is well worth it, for he may be in weight 
forty pound ; a Hen two fhillings." 
(New England's Profpcci, p. 24.) So 
alfo Joffelyn : " I have heard feveral cred- 
ible perfons affirm, they have feen Tur- 
kie Cocks that have weighed forty, yea 
fixty pounds ; but out of my perfonal 
experimental knowledge I can allure 
you, that I have eaten my fhare of a 
Turkie Cock, that when he was pull'd 

and garbidg'd, weighed thirty pound." 
He adds, however, that even then [1670] 
" the EngliJJi and the Indians having 
now deftroyed the breed, fo that 'tis very 
rare to meet with a wild Turkie in the 
Woods." (New Englands Rarities, 
p. 9.) See alfo Two Voyages, p. 99, 
where the fame writer fays : " If you 
would preferve the young Chickens alive, 
you muft give them no water, for if they 
come to have their fill of water, they 
will drop away ftrangely, and you will 
never be able to rear any of them. 1 ' John 
Clayton, in his Letter to the Royal So- 
ciety [1688], fays of Virginia: "There 
be wild Turkies extream large ; they 
talk of Turkies that have been kill'd, 
that have weigh'd betwixt 50 and 60 
Pound weight ; the largeft that ever I 
faw, weigh'd fomething better than 38 
Pound." (in. Force's Trails, No. 12, 
p. 30.) Williams, in his Virginia\_\6$o\ 
fpeaks of " infinites of wilde Turkeyes, 
which have been knowne to weigh fifty 
pound weight, ordinarily forty." (in. 
Force's Trails, No. 1 1, p. 12.) See alfo 
Strachey's Hijloric, p. 125 ; Young's 
CJiron. of Mafs., p. 253. 
1 In regard to this expreffion Mr. 


194 New Englifh Canaan. 

bigger in bo- 
dy as thofe of 

Q/iailes big- 
ger in body 
as thofe in 

Pheifants, 1 but whether they be pheyfants or no, I will not 
take upon mee to determine. They are in forme like our 
pheifant henne of England. Both the male and the female 
are alike ; but they are rough footed, and have ftareing feth- 
ers about the head and neck ; the body is as bigg as the 
pheyfant henne of England ; and are excellent white flefli, 
and delicate white meate, yet we feldome beftowe a fhoote at 

Partridges 2 there are, much like our Partridges of Eng- 
land ; they are of the fame plumes, but bigger in body. 
They have not the figne of the horfemoe on the breft, as the 
Partridges of England ; nor are they coloured about the 
heads as thofe are. They fit on the trees, for I have feene 
40. in one tree at a time : yet at night they fall on the 
ground, and fit untill morning fo together ; and are dainty 

There are quailes 3 alfo, but bigger then the quailes in 
England. They take trees alfo : for I have numbered 60. 


Trumbull writes : " Metawna is mit- 
tannug (R. Williams), muttannunk 
(Eliot), — Englifhed by 'a thoufand ; ' 
but to the Indians lefs definite, ' a great 
many,' more than he could count. 
Neetit is poffibly a mifprint for necut 
(neqitt, Eliot), ' one,' — but, more likely, 
ftands for ' I have,' or its equivalent, 
'there is to me.' Roger Williams 
(p. 164) puts the numeral firft, nnees- 
nne&nna, ' I have killed two,' — JJiwin- 
ne&nna, [' I have killed] three,' " &c. 

1 The Pheafant of Morton and other 
early writers has been fuppofed by or- 
nithologifts to be the Prairie Hen or 
Pinnated Groufe {Cupidonia atpido), a 
fpecies which, however, has dark not 
" white flefh," — " formerly . . . fo com- 

mon on the ancient bulky fite of the city 
of Bofton, that laboring people or fer- 
vants ftipulated with their employers, 
not to have the Heath- Hen brought to 
table oftener then a few times in the 
week." (Nuttall's Ornithology, vol. i. 
p. 800.) There is good evidence that 
this bird once ranged over a large part 
of Southern New England ; it is Itill 
found on Martha's Vineyard, where it 
is carefully protected and is not uncom- 
mon. Elfewhere it does not now occur 
much to the eaftward of Illinois. 

2 The Ruffed Groufe (Bouafa tim- 

8 The American Partridge, Quail, or 
Bob White (Ortyx Virginiand). 

New Englifh Canaan. 195 

upon a tree at a time. The cocks doe call at the time of the 
yeare, but with a different note from the cock quailes of 


The Larkes 1 there are like our Larkes of England in all The Larkes 
refpects : fauing that they do not ufe to fing at all. 

* There are Ovvles of divers kindes: but I did * 71 Owies. 
never heare any of them whop as ours doe. 

There are Crowes, 2 kights and rooks that doe differ in The Crowes 
fome refpe&s from thofe of England. The Crowes, which I f ™Mufk?m 
have much admired what mould be the caufe, both fmell ^oTInwinfer. 
and tafte of Mufke in fummer, but not in winter. 

There are Havvkes in New England of 5. forts; 3 and thefe iiawkcsof 
of all other fether fowles I mult not omitt to fpeake of, nor 
neede I to make any Apology for my felfe concerning any 
trefpaffe that I am like to make upon my judgement, con- 
cerning the nature of them, having bin bred in fo genious 
a way that I had the common ufe of them in England : and 
at my firft arrivall in thofe parts praftifed to take a Lan- a Lannaret. 


1 Of doubtful application. Our Horned bly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite 
Lark (Eremophila alpeftris) is the near- (Nauclerus furca(us), now a rare ftrag- 
eft North American ally of the Englifh gler from the South, but formerly, as 
Skylark, but it is fo differently colored fome ornithologifts believe, of regular 
that Morton probably had in mind fome occurrence in New England. 

other fpecies, perhaps the Titlark (Ati- 3 The defcriptions given for thefe 

thus ludovicianus). Hawks are too vague to be of much ufe 

2 Three fpecies of Crows are found in in determining fpecies. A clew is often 
New England : the Raven (Corvus car- furnifhed by familiar terms of falconry, 
nivorus), now confined to the northern which, we may affume, would be natu- 
parts of Maine, New Hampshire, and rally applied to American reprefenta- 
Vermont ; the Common Crow (Corvus tives of Old World forms. Morton, 
Aj/iericanus) ; and the Fifh Crow (Cor- however, ufes thefe terms very loofely, 
vns ojfifragus), which occafionally wan- or, perhaps, with a regard to fine dif- 
ders to MafTachufetts from its true home tinciions of meaning not now under- 
in the Middle and Southern States, flood. In fuch a cafe nothing can be 
The latter may have been the Rook, done beyond pointing out their accepted 
"Kight " is a dubious appellation, poffi- fignificance and probable application. 

196 New Englifli Canaan. 

naret, 1 which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fort- 
night, the fame being a paffmger at Michuelmas. I found 
that thefe are molt excellent Mettell, rank winged, well con- 
ditioned, and not tickleifh footed ; and, having whoods, bels, 
luers, and all things fitting, was defirous to make experi- 
ment of that kinde of Hawke before any other. 

And I am perfwaded that Nature hath ordained them to 
be of a farre better kinde then any that have bin ufed in 
England. 2 They have neither dorre 3 nor worm to feed upon, 
(as in other parts of the world,) the Country affording none ; 
the ufe whereof in other parts makes the Lannars there 
more buffardly 4 then they be in New England. 
Fawcom. There are likewife Fawcons 5 and taffell gentles, 6 ad- 

* 72 mirable well fhaped birds ; and they will tower up * 
when they purpofe to pray, and, on a fodaine when 
they effpie their game, they will make fuch a cancellere 
that one would admire to behold them. Some there are 
more black then any that have bin ufed in England. 

1 The male of Falco lanarius, a Fal- prefented to his Majefty on Saturday- 
con found in the fouthern and fouth- next, by the Lords of thofe Provinces, 
eaftern parts of Europe, as well as in And the laid Captain to be recommend- 
Weftern Afia and the adjoining portions ed to his Majeftys fervice upon occa- 
of Africa. An American variety, the fion of employments for his care and 
Prairie Falcon {Falco Unarms polya- induftry ufed to bring them oyer, and 
grus), has a wide range in the Weft, but for other his fervices done in thofe 
is not known to have occurred to the parts." 

eaftward of Illinois. The bird referred 8 The Cockchafer, 

to by Morton is doubtlefs the Duck 4 /. c, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the 

Hawk (Falco peregrinus), an allied fpe- genus Butco, a fluggifh tribe of Raptores. 

cies not uncommon in New England. £ Properly of general application to 

2 In the records of the Council for the genus Falco; if ufed fpecifically here 
New England, under date of the 26th of there is no clew to its precife meaning. 
November, 1635, or about the time that 6 Ufually written tercel^ and fome- 
Morton was writing the New Canaan, times tiercel or /tercel. The male of 
is the following entry : " The Hawks any hawk, fo termed becaufe he is a 
brought over by Capt. Smart are to be third fmaller than the female, or, as fome 



New Engli/Ii Canaan. 197 

The Taffell gent, (but of the leaft fize, 1 ) is an ornament 
for a perfon of eftimation among the Indians to weare in the 
knot of his lock, with the traine upright, the body dried and 
ftretched out. They take a great pride in the wearing of 
fuch an ornament, and give to one of us, that mail kill them 
one for that purpofe, fo much beaver as is worth three 
pounds fterling, very willingly. 

Thefe doe us but little trefpas, becaufe they pray on fuch 
birds as are by the Sea fide, and not on our Chickens. Gof- 
hawkes there are, and Taffels. 

The Taffels are fhort truffed buffards ; 2 but the Gofhawkes 3 Gojimwh 

are well fhaped, but they are fmall ; fome of white male, we ■' ia ^ e ' 

and fome redd male, I have feene one with 8. barres in the 

traine. Thefe fall on our bigger poultry: the leffer chicken, 

I thinke they fcorne to make their pray of ; for commonly 

the Cocke goes to wrack. Of thefe I have feene many; 

and if they come to trefpaffe me, I lay the law to them with 

the gunne, and take them dammage fefant. 


have thought, becaufe it was believed reprefented in New England by three 

that every third bird hatched was a fpecies, Buteo borealis, B. lineatus and 

male. The name, as ufed in falconry, B. Pennfylvanicus. 
almoft always refers to the male Gof- 3 If Morton always ufes tajfel in its 

hawk (AJiur palumbarius), while with commonly accepted fenfe (fee preced- 

the addition of gentil, or gentle, it ing notes), another application muft be 

indicated the female or young of this fought for the prefent name. The ac- 

fpecies. The bird alluded to here is companying text may relate to the Marfh 

probably the American Gofhawk {AJlur Hawk {Circus cyaneus Hudfomus), the 

atricapillus). adult male of which is ourwhiteft New 

1 The American Sparrow Hawk (Falco England Hawk, and the young or female 
fparverius), a fmall and richly colored perhaps the reddeft. The Marfli Hawk 
Falcon, would be likely to be ufed for does not prey on full-grown poultry, but 
fuch a purpofe. it may have been credited with depre- 

2 If not applied to the male Gofhawk dations committed by other fpecies, a 
(fee note on "taffel gentles"), perhaps piece of injuftice by no means uncom- 
referring to Hawks of the genus Buteo, mon at the prefent day. 


New EnglifJi Ca7^aa7^. 

fmall and 


A Hunning 

bird, is as 
fmall as a 
Jut- lie. His 
bill as Jliarp 
as a needle 
point, and his 
f ethers like 

There are very many Marlins \ l fome very fmall, and fome 
fo large as is the Barbary Taffell. 

I have often beheld thefe pretty birds, how they have 
fcoured after the black bird, which is a fmall fized Choffe 2 

that eateth the Indian maifze. 
* j 3 Sparhawkes 3 there are alfo, the faireft and * beft 
fhaped birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde 
thofe that are litle, no ufe is made of any of them, neither 
are they regarded. I onely tried conclufions with a Lannaret 
at firft comming ; and, when I found what was in that bird, 
I turned him going : but, for fo much as I have obferved of 
thofe birds, they may be a fitt prefent for a prince, and for 
goodneffe too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other 
ufed in Chriftendome ; and efpecially the Lannars and Lan- 

There is a curious bird to fee to, called a hunning bird, 4 


1 The Pigeon Hawk (Falco colum- 
barius) is the New England reprefen- 
tative of the European Merlin {Falco 

'' 2 Probably the Crow Blackbird {Quif- 
calus purpureas aliens') . 

3 The Sharp-fhinned Hawk (Accipiler 
fufens), a common New England fpe- 
cies clofely allied to the European Spar- 
row Hawk (Acclpiler nifus). Our Coop- 
er's Hawk {Accipiter coopert) alfo may 
be referred to under this name. 

4 The Ruby-throated Humming-bird 
(Troc/u'lus colubris), our only New Eng- 
land fpecies. The Humming-birds are 
peculiar to the New World ; hence the 
wonder and intereft with which they 
were regarded bv the early explorers 
and colonifts. There is a letter from 
Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop, 
Jr., of the 21ft of November, 1632, in 

which is this paragraph : " You have a 
litle bird in your contrie that makes 
a humminge noyfe, a little bigger then a 
bee, I pray fend me one of them over, 
perfecl in his fethers, in a little box." 
(iv. Ma/s. Hijl. Coll., vol. vi. p. 40".) 
There are many defer iptions of this bird 
in the earlier writers, though none that 
I have found fo early as Downing's let- 
ter. Wood fays: " The Humbird is one 
of the wonders of the Countrey, being no 
bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the di- 
menfions of a Bird, as bill and wings, with 
quils, Spider-like legges, fmall clawes : 
For colour, fhee is glorious as the Raine- 
bow; as fhee flies, fhee makes a little 
humming noife like a humble bee : 
wherefore fhe is called the Humbird." 
(New England's Pro/pell, p. 24.) Joffe- 
lyn's defcription is efpecially good : 
" The Humming Bird, the leaft of all 


New Englifh Canaan. 199 

no bigger then a great Beetle ; that out of queftion lives 
upon the Bee, which hee eateth and catcheth amongft Flow- 
ers : For it is his Cuftome to frequent thofe places. Flow- 
ers hee cannot feed upon by reafon of his fharp bill, which 
is like the poynt of a Spannifh needle, but fhorte. His 
fethers have a gloffe like filke, and, as hee ftirres, they fhew 
to be of a chain^able coloure : and has bin, and is, admired 
for fhape, coloure and fize. 

Chap. V . 

Of the Beafls of the forreft} 

NOw that I have made a rehearfall of the birds and 
fethered Fowles, which participate molt of aire, I will 
give you a defcription of the beafts ; and fhew you what 
beafls are bred in thofe parts, and what my experience 
hath gathered by obfervation of * their kinde and * 74 
nature. I begin with the mofl ufefull and moft 
beneficiall beaft which is bredd in thofe parts, which is 

the Deare. ^, 

1 here 

Birds, little bigger than a Dor, of vari- * For all the technical and fcientific 
able glittering Colours, they feed upon notes to this chapter I am indebted to 
Honey, which they fuck out of BloiToms Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Mufeum of 
and Flowers with their long Needle-like Comparative Zoology of Harvard Col- 
Bills ; they ileep all Winter, and are not lege. To the matter contributed by 
to be feen till the Spring, at which time him I have merely added, as in the im- 
they breed in little Nefts, made up like a mediately preceding chapters, extracts 
bottom of foft, Silk-like matter, their from other writers, more or lefs contem- 
Eggs no bigger than a white Peafe, they poraneous with Morton, which feemed 
hatch three or four at a time, and are to me to be illuftrative of the text, or in 
proper to this Country." {New Eng- the fame fpirit with it. This chapter of 
land' 's Rarities, p. 6.) See alfo Clay- Morton's is more complete, though prob- 
ton's Letter, &c. (in. Force's Trails, ably of lefs value, than Wood's and Jof- 
No. 12, p. 33). felyn's chapters on the fame fubjecT;. 


New Englifli Canaan. 

Deare of 3. 

Mofe or red 

Mofe or 
deare greater 
than a horfe, 
the height of 
than 18. 
hand fulles. 

They bringe 
forth three 
f nines at one 

There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which 
there are greate plenty, and thofe are very ufefull. 

Firft, therefore, I will fpeake of the Elke, which the Salv- 
ages call a Mofe : 1 it is a very large Deare, with a very faire 
head, and a broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares 
home, but much bigger, and is 6. footewide betweene the 
tipps, which grow curbing downwards : Hee is of the big- 
neffe of a great horfe. 

There have bin of them feene that has bin 18. handfulls 
highe : hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes : hee is 
not fwifte, but ftronge and large in body, and longe legged ; 
in fomuch that hee doth ufe to kneele, when hee feedeth 
on graffe. 

Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a 
time ; and, being made tame, would be good for draught, 
and more ufefull (by reafon of their ftrength) then the Elke 
of Raufhea. 2 Thefe are found very frequent in the northerne 


1 The Elke here mentioned is the 
Moofe (A/ces malchis) of American 
writers ; it is fpecifically the fame as the 
elk of Northern Europe. From Wood's 
account {New England'' s Profpeft, 
p. 1 8), it would feem that the moofe in 
Morton's time ranged into eaftern Maf- 
fachufetts, though not found now fouth 
of northern Maine. The moofe has 
but a fingle fawn at a birth, not three 
as ftated in the text. 

Mr. Allen then adds to the above note : 
" I have met with no publifhed record 
of the occurrence of the American Elk, 
or Wapiti Deer (Cervus Canadenfts), in 
eaftern Maffachufetts. Since publish- 
ing a ftatement to this effect (Afem. 
Hifl. Bofion, vol. i. p. 10), however, I 
have learned through the kindnefs of a 
correfpondent (Henry S. Nourfe, Eiq., 

of South Lancafter, Mafs.,) that early in 
the eighteenth century fixteen elk were 
feen near a brook in South Lancafter, 
one of which was killed. The tradition 
is fupported by the fa<5t that the antlers 
of the individual killed were preferved 
in the family of the lucky hunter (Jonas 
Fairbanks) for a long period, and after- 
wards placed on the top of a guide- 
board, where they ft ill remain, mofl- 
grown and weather-worn by eighty years 
of fun and ftorm. Since the receipt of 
Mr. Nourfe's letter (dated Feb. 25, 
1882), his account has been corroborated 
by information from another fource. 
That the antlers mentioned belonged to 
an elk and not to a moofe is beyond 

2 "The Englifli have fome thoughts 
of keeping them tame, and to accuftome 

then - 

New Englifli Canaan. 201 

parts of New England : their flefli is very good foode, and 
much better then our redd Deare of England. 

Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good They make 
lether, and dreffed as white as milke. the hides of 

Of this lether the Salvages make the bell mooes ; and ufe 
to barter away the fkinnes to other Salvages that have 
none of that kinde of beds in the parts where they 
live. Very good buffe may be made of the * hids. I * 75 
have feene a hide as large as any horfe hide that can 
be found. There is fuch abundance of them that the Salv- 
ages, at hunting time, have killed of them fo many, that they 
have bellowed fix or feaven at a time upon one Englifli man 
whome they have borne affection to. 

There is a fecond fort of Deare * (leffe then the redd Deare Themidimg 
of England, but much bigger then the Englifli fallow Deare) /<?w2w.' 
fwift of foote, but of a more darke coloure ; with fome grifeld 
heares, when his coate is full growne in the fummer feafon : 
his homes grow curving, with a croked beame, refembling 
our redd Deare, not with a palme like the fallow Deare. 

Thefe bringe 3. fawnes at a time, 2 fpotted like our fallow 


them to the yoake, which will be a great 88, 137). See, alfo, A r ew England's 

commoditie : Firft, becaufe they are fo Rarities, p. 19. 

fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, 1 The common Virginian Deer [Cari- 

being likewife very uberous. Secondly, acus Virginiamis), formerly more or lefs 

becaufe they will live in Winter without abundant throughout the eaftern half of 

any fodder. There be not many of thefe the United States. 

in the M affachufetts Bay, but forty miles 2 The number of fawns produced at a 

to the Northeaft there be great ftore of birth is commonly two, fometimes one, 

them." {New England's Pro/peel, p. and ftill more rarely three; although 

18.) There are very good defcriptions three is ftated to be the ufual number 

of the Moofe, and the methods purfued in various feventeenth-century accounts 

in hunting them, in Gorges's Brief Re- of the natural productions of New Eng- 

lation (11. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. ix. p. land, Virginia, &c. 
18) and in Joffelyn's Two Voyages (pp. 

202 New Englifli Canaan. 

Deares fawnes ; the Salvages fay, foure ; I fpeake of what I 

know to be true, for I have killed in February a doe with 

three fawnes in her belly, all heared, and ready to fall ; for 

thefe Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths fooner then the 

fallow Deare of England. There is fuch abundance of 

them that an hundred have bin found at the fpring of the 

yeare, within the compaffe of a mile. 

Trappes to The Salvages take thefe in trappes made of their naturall 

Ci Dcare. ' Hempe, which they place in the earth where they fell a 

tree for browfe ; and when hee rounds the tree for the 

browfe, if hee tread on the trapp hee is horfed up by the 

legg, by meanes of a pole that ftarts up and catcheth him. 1 

Their hides the Saluages ufe for cloathing, and will give 

for one hide killed in feafon, 2. 3. or 4. beaver fkinnes, 

* 76 which will yeild pounds a peece in that Coun*try : fo 

much is the Deares hide prifed with them above the 

beaver. I have made good merchandize of thefe. The 


1 Mourt, in his Relation (p. 8), records what cheere what cheere, Englijhmans 

how Governor William Bradford, of squaw horfe ; having no better epithete 

Plymouth, was caught in one of thefe than to call her a woman horfe, but 

traps, and " horfed up by the leg," being loath to kill her, and as fearefull 

when the firft party from the Mayflower to approach neere the frifcadoes of her 

was exploring Cape Cod in November, Iron heeles, they ported to the EngliJJi 

1620. Wood fays : "An Englifli Mare to tell them how the cafe flood or hung 

being ftrayed from her owner, and with their fquaw horfe, who unhorfed 

growne wild by her long fojourning in their Mare, and brought her to her for- 

the woods ranging up and down with mer tameneffe, which fince hath brought 

the wild crew, ftumbled into one of thefe many a good foale, and performed much 

traps which ftopt her fpeed, hanging good fervice." {New England's Prof- 

her like Mahomet's tombe, betwixt earth peel, p. 75.) Williams, in his Key 

and heaven; the morning being come (cli. xxvii.), defcribes how the deer 

the Indians went to lookc what good fuc- caught in thefe traps were torn and 

ceffe their Venifon trapps had brought devoured by wolves before the Indians 

them, but feeing fuch a long fcutted came to fecure them. See, alfo, Colonel 

Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they Norwood's Voyage to Virginia, (ill. 

bade her good morrow, crying out, Forceps Tracls, No. 10, p. 39.) 

New Englifli Canaan. 203 

flefli is farre fweeter then the venifon of England : and hee 
feedeth fatt and leane together, as a fwine or mutton, where 
as our Deare of England feede fatt on the out fide : they 
doe not croake at rutting time, nor fpendle fhafte, nor is 
their flefli difcoloured at rutting. Hee, that will impale 
ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where with 
bats and men hee may take fo many to put into that parke, 
as the hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all 
thefe things be well confidered, the Deare, as well as the 
Mofe, may have a principall place in the catalogue of com- 

I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howfe The Hum- 
was not without the flefli of this fort of Deare winter nor doggsjee. 
fummer : the humbles was ever my dogges fee, which by the 
wefell * was hanged on the barre in the chimney, for his diet 
only : for hee has brought to my fland a brace in a morning, 
one after the other before funne rifing, which I have killed. 

There is likewife a third forte of deare, 2 leffe then the Roe bucks or 
other, (which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the fouthward 
of all the Englifli plantations : they are excellent good flefli. 
And thefe alfo bring three fawnes at a time ; and in this 
particular the Deare of thofe parts excell all the knowne 
Deare of the whole world. 

On all thefe the Wolfes doe pray continually. The befl Woifespray 

upon Deare. 


1 Wefil, obfolete for weafand. River. The ftatement that it is " leffe 

2 The " third fort of Deere," of which then the other " (J. e. Virginian Deer), 
the author evidently had no perfonal together with the fouthern habitat ac- 
knowledge, is doubtlefs a myth, as the figned it, preclude reference to the Cari- 
Virginia Deer is the only fpecies of fmall bou of northern New England, which 
deer found in the United States, fouth the name "rayne deare" otherwife fug- 
of New England, eaft of the Miffiffippi gefts. 

204 New Englifli Canaan, 

meanes they have to efcape the wolfes is by fwim- 

* 7J ming to Iflands, 1 or necks of land, whereby * they 

efcape : for the wolfe will not prefume to follow them 

untill they fee them over a river ; then, being landed, (they 

wayting on the more,) undertake the water, and fo follow 

with frefh fuite. 

Beaver. The next in mine opinion fit to be fpoaken of, is the 

Beaver; 2 which is a Beaft ordained for land and water both, 

and hath fore feete like a cunny, her hinder feete like a 

goefe, mouthed like a cunny, but fhort eared like a Serat. 

[He feeds on] fifhe in fummer, and wood in winter ; which 

hee conveyes to his howfe built on the water, wherein hee 

fitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which elfe would 

over heate and rot off. 

The Beavers Hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth, 

trees^with his which are fo long as a boares tufkes, and with the help of other 

*" beavers, (which hold by each others tayles like a teeme of 


1 "They defire to be neare the Sea, fo than the preceding ftatement about the 
that they may fwimme to the Iflands precaution the animal takes in winter to 
when they are chafed by the Woolves." preferve his tail ! 

{New England's Profpetl, p. 18.) Deer Cunny, mentioned in the firft para- 

Ifland is confequently a very common graph, is doubtlefs a feventeenth-cen- 

name along the New England coaft ; and tury barbarifm for cony, a name at this 

of the ifland bearing that name in Bof- time commonly applied to the rabbit, 

ton harbor, now the fite of the city The context, both here and in the ac- 

reformatory inflitutions, Wood fays: count of the mufkewajhe, feems to im- 

" This Hand is fo called, becaufe of the ply this, although the word is correctly 

Deare which often fwimme thither from written cony in the paragraph relating to 

the Maine, when they are chafed by the Hares. In fome of the early accounts 

woolves: fome have killed fixteene Deere of Virginia, publifhed in the firft half of 

in a day upon this Hand." Young's the feventeenth century, hares and cun- 

Chron. of Mafs., p. 405. See, alfo, nies are enumerated in the lifts of ani- 

ShuxtXeffs Defer ifition of Bojlon, p. 464. mals, where the latter name evidently 

2 The Beaver (Cajtorfber). The ac- means cony or rabbit. Serat, in the fame 
count of the way " they draw the logg paragraph, is a term of much greater 
to the habitation appoynted " is a fanci- obfeurity of application. 

ful exaggeration, hardly lefs ridiculous 

New Englifli Canaan. 205 

horfes, the hindmoft with the logg on his fhoulder flayed by 
one of his fore feete againft his head,) they draw the logg to 
the habitation appoynted, placing the loggs in a fquare ; and 
fo, by pyling one uppon another, they build up a howfe, 
which with boghes is covered very ftrongly, and placed in 
fome pond, to which they make a damme of brum wood, 
like a hedge, fo flronge that I have gone on the top of it 
croffe the current of that pond. The flefh of this beaft is 
excellent foode. The fleece is a very choife furre, which, 
(before the Salvages had commerce with Chriftians,) they 
burned of the tayle : this beaft is of a mafculine vertue for 
the advancement of Priapus, 1 and is preferved for a difh for 
the Sachems, or Sagamores ; who are the princes of the 
people, but not Kings, (as is fondly fuppofed.) 

* The fkinnes are the beft marchantable commodity * 78 
that can be found, to caufe ready money to be brought 

into the land, now that they are railed to 10. (hillings a Bower at 


— , — — j — ___ — __ _. 

, o \O.JJlll. 

pound. a pound. 

1 " The tail, as I have faid in another " Sables, from 8^. the payre, to 20s. 
Treatife, is very fat and of a mafculine a payre. 

vertue, as good as EringcPs or Satyrion- " Otter fkins, from 3J. to $s. a piece. 

Roots." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, p. 93.) " Luzernes, from is. to 10. a piece. 

2 Bradford, writing of the year 1636, " Martins the beft, 4.J. a piece, 
gives the following prices : " The coat " Fox fkins, 6d. a piece, 
beaver ufualy at 20s. per pound, and " Mufke Rats fkins, 2s. a dozen, 
fome at 24^. ; the fkin at 15 and fome- "Bever fkins that are full growne, in 
times 16. I doe not remember any under feafon, are worth ys. a piece. 

14. It may be the laft year might be " Bever fkins, not in feafon, to allow 

fomething lower " (p. 346). In 1671 Jof- two fkins for one, and of the leffer, three 

felyn fays : " A black Bears Skin here- for one. 

tofore was worth forty fhillings, now "Old Bever fkins in mantles, gloves 

you may have one for ten." {Rarities, or caps, the more worne the better, fo 

p. 14.) The following prices were they be full of fur, the pound weight is 

named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; 6s." See infra, 207, note 4, and alfo 

(ill. Force's Trails, No. n, p. 52.) *8o. 


New Englifli Canaan. 

In 5 yeares 
one man gott 
t, igether 
iooo p. in 

The Otter in 
winter hath 
a furre as 
black as Iett. 

The Luferan 

as bigg as a 

The Martin 
is about the 
bignejfe of a 

A fervant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000. 
p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed ; 1 whatfo- 
ever became of it. And this beait may challenge prehemi- 
nence in the Catalogue. 

The Otter 2 of thofe parts, in winter feafon, hath a furre fo 
black as jett ; and is a furre of very highe price : a good 
black fkinne is worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flefh 
is eaten by the Salvages : but how good it is I cannot fhew, 
becaufe it is not eaten by our Nation. Yet is this a beaft 
that ought to be placed in the number amongft the Com- 
modities of the Country. 

The Luferan, or Luferet, 3 is a beaft like a Catt, but fo bigg 
as a great hound: with a tayle fhorter then a Catt. His 
clawes are like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare. 
His Flefh is dainty meat, like a lambe: his hide is a choife 
furre, and accompted a good commodity. 

The Martin 4 is a beaft about the bignes of a Foxe. His 


1 The fervant here referred to was 
probably Walter Bagnall, of Richmond 
Ifland, who was killed by Indians, 061. 
3, 1 63 1. See infra, 218, note 1. 

2 The common Otter (Luira Canaden- 
fis), now of rare occurrence in the more 
fettled parts of fouthern New England. 

3 The Luferan, or Luferet, is the Bay 
Lynx, or Wild-cat (Lynx rufus). 

" The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big 
as a mungrell dogge ; this creature is by 
nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee 
met withall than any other creature, not 
feering either dogge or man ; he ufeth 
to kill Deere which he thus effecteth : 
Knowing the Deeres tracts, lie will lie 
lurking in longweedes, the Deere paffing 
by he fuddenly leapes upon his backe, 
from thence gets to his necke, and 

fcratcheth out his throate : he hath like- 
wife a devife to get Geefe, for being 
much of the colour of a Goofe, he will 
place himfelfe clofe by the water, holding 
up his bob taile, which is like a Goofe 
necke ; the Geefe feeing this counterfeit- 
ing Goofe, approch nigh to vifit him, 
who with a fudden jerke apprehends his 
miftruftleffe prey." (New England's 
Prqfpecl, pp. 19, 20.) Joffelyn fays: " I 
once found fix whole Ducks in the belly 
of one I killed by a Pond fide." (Pari- 
ties, p. 16.) 

4 The Martin. Under this name are 
doubtlefs confounded the Marten (Muf- 
tela Americana) and the Fifher (M. 
Pennanii). The fize, however, even in 
cafe the P'ifher alone were referred to, 
is greatly overftated. 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 207 

furre is cheftnutt coloure : and of thofe there are greate (lore 
in the Northerne parts of the Country, and is a good com- 

The Racowne 1 is a beaft as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with Racowne. 
a Bufhtayle. His Flefh excellent foode : his oyle precious 
for the Syattica : 2 his furre courfe, but the fkinnes ferve the 
Salvages for coats, and is with thofe people of more 
efleeme then a coate of beaver* becaufe of the tayles * 79 
that (hanging round in their order) doe adorne the 
srarment, and is therefore fo much efteemed of them. His 
fore feete are like the feete of an ape ; and by the print 
thereof, in the time of fnow, he is followed to his hole, which 
is commonly in a hollow tree ; from whence hee is flered 
out, and fo taken. 

The Foxes are of two coloures ; the one redd, the other The Foxes 
gray : 3 thefe feede on fifh, and are good furre : 4 they doe not 


1 The Racowne is the common well- given in Morton's text. The abfence 
known Raccoon (Procyon lotor). of ftrong fcent referred to relates to the 

2 Joffelyn fays of the Raccoon : " their Gray Fox, a character mentioned by 
greafe is foveraign for wounds with Joffelyn in his brief but sufficiently ex- 
bruifes, aches, ftreins, bruifes ; and to plicit defcription of his Jaccal. 

anoint after broken bones and difloca- 4 "The Indians fay they have black 

tions." {Two Voyages, p. 85.) A little foxes, which they have often feen, but 

further on (p. 92) he notes : "One Mr. never could take any of them. They 

Ptirchafe cured himfelf of the Sciatica fay they are Manittooes, that is Gods, 

with Bears-greek, keeping fome of it fpirits, or divine powers, as they fay of 

continually in his groine." every thing which they cannot compre- 

8 The Redd Fox is our common Red hend." (Williams's Key, ch. xvii.) The 

Fox {Vulpes vulgaris, var. Pennfylva- black fox-fkin, Joffelyn fays {Rarities, 

nicus). The Gray Fox is doubtlefs the p. 21), "heretofore was wont to be val- 

Virginian or Gray Fox {Urocyon cincreo- ued at fifty and fixty pound, but now 

argentatus) of the South and Weft, an you may have them for twenty (hillings; 

animal formerly occurring in New Eng- indeed there is not any in A T ew Eng- 

land but long fince nearly extirpated. land that are perfectly black, but filver 

This is inferred from Joffelyn's account hair'd, that is fprinkled with gray hairs." 

of the Jaccal {New England's Rari- The black wolf's fkin, he fays {ib. p. 16), 

ties, p. 22), rather than from any clew " is worth a Beaver Skin among the In- 

2o8 New Englijli Canaan. 

The Wolfes 
of diverfe 

ftinke, as the Foxes of England, but their condition for their 
pray is as the Foxes of England. 

The Wolfes are of divers coloures ; 1 fome fandy coloured, 
fome grifelled, and fome black : their foode is fifh, which 
they catch when they paffe up the rivers into the ponds to 
fpawne, at the fpring time. The Deare are alfo their pray, 
and at fummer, when they have whelpes, the bitch will fetch 
a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes with. 
They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man, 
(that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as faft as 
any fearefull dogge. 2 Thefe pray upon the Deare very much. 


dians, being highly efteemed for helping 
old Aches in old people, worn as a Coat." 
Of the foxes Wood remarks : " Some of 
thefe be blacke ; their furre is of much 
efteeme." {Profpe cl, p. 19.) Elfewhere 
he fays that the fur of a black wolf was 
"worth five or fixe pounds Sterling." 
{lb. 20.) 
See, alfo, fupra, 205, note 2. 

1 The Wolf is the large Gray Wolf {Ca- 
ms lupus), formerly abundant through- 
out New England, and well known to 
vary in color as mentioned by Morton. 

2 "Tlieybe made much like a Mungrell, 
being big boned, lanke paunched, deepe 
breafted, having a thicke necke and 
head, pricke eares, and long fnoute, with 
dangerous teeth, long flaring haire, and 
a great bufli taile. . . . It is obferved 
that they have no joynts from their head 
to the taile, which prevents them from 
leaping or hidden turning." {New Eng- 
land s Profpecl, p. 20.) See Joffelyn's 
Parities, p. 14, and Two Voyages, p. 83. 
He fays : " They commonly go in routs, 
a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, fome- 
times by couples." Of the Virginia fpe- 
cies, Clayton fays : " Wolves there are 
great ftore ; you may hear a Company 
Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like 

a pack of Beagles ; but they are very 
cowardly, and dare fcarce venture on 
anything that faces them ; yet if hun- 
gry will pull down a good large Sheep 
that flies from them. I never heard 
that any of them adventured to fet on 
Man or Child." (111. Force's Trails, No. 
12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, thefe 
Virginia wolves were " not much bigger 
then Englifh foxes." {Hiftorie,\>. 125.) 
Wood, however, fays that the Maffachu- 
fetts wolves cared " no more for an ordi- 
nary Maftiffe, than an ordinary Maftiffe 
cares for a Curre ; many good dogges 
have been fpoyled by them." Shortly 
after the landing from the Mayflower at 
Plymouth, John Goodman, one evening 
in January, "went abroad to ufe his 
lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the 
cold he had got, having a little fpaniel 
with him. A little way from the planta- 
tion two great wolves ran after the dog ; 
the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs 
for fuccour. He had nothing in his 
hand, but took up a flick and threw at 
one of them and hit him, and they pref- 
ently ran both away, but came again. 
He got a pale-board in his hand ; and 
they fet both on their tails grinning at 
ind went their way 

him a good while 

New Engli/Ji Canaan, 209 

The fkinnes are ufed by the Salvages, efpecially the fkinne 
of the black wolfe, which is efteemed a prefent for a prince 


When there arifeth any difference betweene prince and Thejkinofa 
prince, the prince that defires to be reconciled to his neigh- fpre/ent'for 
bouring prince does endeavour to purchafe it by fending apr% 
him a black wolfes fkinne for a prefent, and the acceptance 
of fuch a prefent is an affurance of reconciliation be- 
tweene them ; and the * Salvages will willingly give * 80 
40. beaver fkinnes for the purchafe of one of thefe 
black Wolfes fkinnes : 1 and allthough the beaft himfelfe be 
a difcommodity, which other Countries of Chriftendome are 
fubjecl unto, yet is the fkinne of the black wolfe worthy the 
title of a commodity, in that refpecl: that hath bin declared. 

If I mould not fpeake fomething of the beare, 2 I might The Bear es 
happily leave a fcruple in the mindes of fome effeminate a £%l °^ a 
perfone who conceaved of more dainger in them then there 
is caufe. Therefore, to incourage them againft all Feare 
and Fortifie their mindes againft needles danger, I will 
relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them : 
they are beafts that doe no harme in thofe parts ; they feede 
upon Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fifh, efpecially fhell-fifh. 

The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobfter, and at low water 
will downe to the Rocks and groape after them with great 

Hee will runne away from a man as faft as a litle dogge. The Salvages 
If a couple of Salvages chaunce to efpie him at his banquet, ^ha/Uiim a 

U ', c like a dogg 
and kill him. 
and left him." (Young's Chron. of 2 The common Black Bear (Urfus 
Pilg., p. 178.) Americanus). 

1 Supra, 205, note 2, and 207, note 4. 


New Englifh Canaan. 


his running away will not ferve his turne, for they will coate 
him, and chafe him betweene them home to theire howfes, 
where they kill him, to fave a laboure in carrying him farre. 
His Flefh is efteemed venifon, and of a better tafte then 
beefe. 1 

His hide is ufed by the Salvages for garments, and is 
more commodious then difcommodious ; and may paffe, 
(with fome allowance,) with the reft. 

The Mufkewafhe 2 is a beaft that frequenteth the 

*8i ponds. What hee eats I cannot finde. Hee is * but 

a fmall beaft, leffe then a Cunny, and is indeede in 

thofe parts no other then a water Ratte ; for I have feene 


1 " For Beares they be common, being 
a great black kind of Beare, which be 
mod fierce in Strawberry time, at which 
time they have young ones ; at this time 
likewife they will goe upright like a man, 
and clime trees, and fwim to the Iflands : 
which if the Indians fee, there will be 
more fportful Beare bayting than Paris 
Garden can afford. For feeing the 
Beares take water, an Indian will leape 
after him, where they goe to water cuffes 
for bloody nofes, and fcratched fides ; 
in the end the man gets the victory, rid- 
ing the Beare over the watery plaine till 
he can beare him no longer." (A T ew 
England 's Profpecl, p. 17.) " He makes 
his Denn amongft thick Bufhes, thruft- 
ing in here and there ftore of mofs, 
which being covered with fnow and 
melting in the day time with heat of the 
Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick 
coat of Ice ; the mouth of his Den is 
very narrow, here they lye fingle, never 
two in a Den all winter. The Indian 
as foon as he finds them, creeps in upon 
all four, feizes with his left hand upon 
the neck of the fleeping Bear, drags him 
to the mouth of the Den, where with a 

club or fmall hatchet in his right hand 
he knocks out his brains before he can 
open his eyes to fee his enemy." {Two 
Voyages, p. 91.) Wood adds that bear's 
flefh was " accounted very good meete, 
efteemed of all men above Venifon." 
Clayton fays that "their flefh is com- 
mended for a very rich fort of Pork." 
{Virginia, in. Force's Trails No. 12, 
p. 2>7-) " Beares there be manie towardes 
the fea-coaft, which the Indians hunt 
rnoft greedily ; for indeed they love 
them above all other their flefh, and 
therefore hardly fell any of them unto 
us, unles upon large proffers of copper, 
beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of 
them, and they are very toothfome fvveet 
venifon, as good to be eaten as the flefh 
of a calfe of two yeares old ; howbeit 
they are very little in comparifon of 
thofe of Mufcovia and Tartaria." (Stra- 
chey's Hijlorie, p. 123.) See, alfo, Jof- 
felyn's New England's Rarities, pp. 13- 
14, and Two Voyages, pp. 91-2. 

2 The well-known Mufkrat or Muf- 
quafh {Fiber zibethicus) of our ponds. 
The " ftones " are the oder glands. In 
refpeel to Cunny, teefupra 204, note 2. 

New Englifli Canaan. 2 1 1 

the fuckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age 
they neither differed in fhape, coloure, nor fize, from one of 
our greate Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers 
coloure ; and hath paffed in waite with our Chapmen for 

The Male of them have ftones, which the Salvages, in un- 
cafeing of them, leave to the fkinne, which is a molt deli- 
cate perfume, and may compare with any perfume that I 
know for goodneffe : Then may not this be excluded the 

This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Por- Porcupines. 
cupines, 1 but I doe not finde the beaffc any way ufefull or 

There are in thofe Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, Hedg/wggs. 
of the like nature to our Englifh Hedghoggs. 2 

Here are greate (tore of Conyes 3 in thofe parts, of divers Conyesoffe- 
coloures; fome white, fome black, and fome gray. Thofe ' 
towards the Southerne parts are very fmall, but thofe to the 
North are as bigg as the Englifli Cony : their eares are very 
fhort. For meate the fmall rabbit is as good as any that I 
have eaten of elfe where. ^ 

1 The Porcupine is the Canadian Por- the Varying Hare (Lepus Americanus), 
cupine (Erethizon dorfatus). or White Rabbit, which is brown in 

2 The Hedgehogs is the fame as the fummer and white in winter. The ref- 
Porcupine, the author being in error in erence to black ones is an error, wild 
regarding it as "of the like nature to black hares being unknown except 
our Englifh Hedgehoggs." The Englifh in cafes of Melanifm, which are of ex- 
Hedgehog belongs to a very different tremely rare occurrence. We have no 
order of mammals, and has no reprefen- /pedes of hare which is black. Rabbit, 
tative in America. it may be added, is a name not ftriclly 

8 The Conyes are Hares, the fmall applicable to any indigenous mammal 

ones of the "Southerne parts" being of America, it being the vernacular 

the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit fpecific defignation of an Old World 

(Lepus fylvaticus) of fouthern New fpecies of hare. 
England. Thofe of " the North " are 


New Engli/Ii Caiiaan. 

Squirils of 
three forts. 

A Flying 


There are Squirils of three forts, 1 very different in fhape 
and condition ; one 2 is gray, and hee is as bigg as the leffer 
Cony, and keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts. 

Another is red, and hee haunts our howfes and will rob 
us of our Corne ; but the Catt many times payes him the 

price of his prefumption. 
* 82 * The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike 
winges, which hee fpreads when hee jumpes from tree 
to tree, and does no harme. 

Now becaufe I am upon a treaty of the beafts, I will place 
this creature, the fnake, amongft the beafts, having my war- 
rant from the holy Bible ; who, (though his pofture in his 
paffage be fo different from all other, being of a more fubtile 
and aidry nature, that hee can make his way without feete, 
and lifte himfelfe above the fuperncies of the earth, as hee 
glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any but the 
beafts, notwithstanding hee frequents the water, as well as 
the land. 

There are of Snakes divers and of feverall kindes, as be 
with us in England ; but that Country hath not fo many as 

in England have bin knowne. 3 

1 The "Squirils of three forts " are (1) 
the Gray Squirrel (Scuirus Carolinen- 
fs) ; (2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree 
(S. Hudfonius) ; (3) the Flying Squir- 
rel {Sciuropterits volucelltts). A fourth 
kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chip- 
munk (Ta.7iiias flriatus) is not men- 
tioned. The " batlike winges " are of 
courfe neither batlike, nor even wings at 
all, but merely a narrow furred mem- 
brane extending along the fides of the 
body, from the fore to the hind limbs. 


2 [and] Seefupra, III, note 1. 

8 " 1639. A fay, which fell out to be 
extream hot and foggie, about the mid- 
dle of May, I kill'd within a ftones 
throw of our houfe, above four fcore 
Snakes, fome of them as big as the 
fmall of my leg, black of colour, and 
three yards long, with a fharp horn 
on the tip of their tail two inches in 
length." (Joffelyn's Two Voyages, pp. 

New Englifh Canaan. 213 

The generall Salvage name of them is Afcowke. 1 
There is one creeping beaft or longe creeple, (as the name The rattle 
is in Devonfhire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does na "' 
difcover his age ; for fo many yeares as hee hath lived, 
fo many joynts are in that rattle, which foundeth (when 
it is in motion,) like peafe in a bladder; and this beafl; 
is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the 
name of Sefick, 2 which fome take to be the Adder ; and 
it may well be fo, for the Salvages are fignificiant in their 
denomination of any thing, and [it] is no leffe hurtfull 
than the Adder of England, nor no more. I have had my 
dogge venomed with troubling one of thefe, and fo fwelled 
that I had thought it would have bin his death : but with 
one Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate 
he * has recovered, and the fwelling affwaged by the * 83 
next day. The like experiment hath bin made upon 
a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of thefe, and the 
boy never the worfe. Therefore it is fimplicity in any one 
that fhall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Ser- 

pents, that are in that land. 


1 Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes : " Mor- the Rattlefnake (Crotalus durijpus) 
ton's afcowke is Eliot's afkook, R. Wil- were of the moft exaggerated kind. He 
hams's afkiig, ' a make.' In Zeifberger's was defcribed as a reptile of prodigious 
Delaware, achgookj whence (through fize, which could fly, and which poifoned 
Heckevvelder) Cooper's Chingachcook, by its breath. (New England's Prof 
'the Great^ Serpent,' in the Loft of the fiecl, p. 39.) The firft mention of this 
Mohicans." fnake in Maffachufetts is found in Hig- 

2 Williams, in his Key, gives the name ginfon's New England's Plantation 
as Sefek. _ See, alfo, Mr. Trumbull's note [1630]. It is as follows : " This coun- 
in his edition of the Key (p. 130). in the try beina; very full of woods and wilder- 
publications of the Narraganfett Soci- neffes, doth alfo much abound with 
ety. Wood gives it as feaficke. (Prof- fnakes and ferpents, of ftrange colors 
peel, p. 86.) an d huge greatnefs. Yea, there are 

3 The ftories firft told in Europe of fome ferpents, called rattlefnakes, that 



New Rnglifh Canaan. 




wates in hot 
Clymats, not 

in cold. 

Mife there are good ftore, and my Lady Woodbees black 
gray-malkin may have paftime enough there: but for Rats, 
the Country by Nature is troubled with none. 1 

Lyons there are none in New England : 2 it is contrary to 


have rattles in their tails, that will not 
fly from a man as others will, but will 
fly upon him and fting him fo mortally 
that he will die within a quarter of 
an hour after, except the party ftinged 
have about him fome of the root of an 
herb called fnake-weed to bite on, and 
then he fhall receive no harm." (Young's 
Chron. of Mafs., p. 255 ) Wood gives 
an admirable defcription of the rattle- 
fnake (Profpecl, pp. 38-9), and alfo 
fpeaks of "the Antidote to expel the 
poyfon, which is a root caled Snake 
weede, which mull be champed, the 
fpittle fwallowed, and the roote applied 
to the fore. . . . Five or fix men have 
been bitten by them, which by ufing of 
fnakeweede were all cured, never any 
yet lofing his life by them." Joffelyn, in 
his Rarities (p. 39), fays : " The Indi- 
ans when weary with travelling, will take 
them up with their bare hands, laying 
hold with one hand behind their Head, 
with the other taking hold of their Tail, 
and with their teeth tear off the Skin of 
their backs, and feed upon them alive; 
which they fay refrefheth them." He 
further fays that the heart of the rattle- 
fnake " fwallowed frefh " {Rarities, p. 
39), or "dried and pulverized and drunk 
with wine or beer " (Voyages, p. 1 14), is 
an antidote againft its poifon. In Clay- 
ton's Virginia (in. Force's Trails, No. 12, 
p. 39), there is a verv entertaining paf- 
fage, too long to extract, on Rattlefnakes, 
and the ufe of Eaft India fnake-ftones 
" that were fent [to Virginia] by King 
James the Second, the Queen, and fome 
of the Nobility, purpofely to try their 
Virtue and Efficacy," at curing the bite 
of vipers, &c. 

1 The Mice, which our author found 
in " good ftore," belong chiefly to three 
fpecies, — namely, the common fhort- 
tailed Meadow Moufe (Arvicola ripari- 
us), the White-footed Moufe, or Deer 
Moufe {Hefperomys leucopus), and the 
Long-tailed Jumping Moufe, or Kanga- 
roo Moufe (Zapus Hudfonius). The 
common Houfe Moufe (Mus mufculus) 
is an exotic peft, which doubtlefs had 
not at that time made its appearance. 
Morton is quite right in ftating : "but 
for Rats, the Country by Nature is 
troubled with none." The Black Rat 
(Mus rattus) was quite early introduced, 
but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat 
(Mus decumanus) probably did not 
make its appearance till fully a century 
after Morton wrote his New EngliJJi 

2 Morton, as was natural for a keen 
fportfman who had himfelf been in the 
tropics, was wifer on the fubjecl of Lions 
than other Engifhmen in New England, 
from the firft landing at Plymouth, 
when John Goodman and Peter Browne, 
getting loft in the woods, heard "two 
lions roaring exceedingly," down to 
1639, when Joffelyn heard " of a young 
Lyon (not long before) kill'd at Pafcata- 
way by an Indian," there were vague 
ftories of thefe animals having been 
either feen or heard in the New England 
woods. Joffelyn argued on the great 
probability that there were lions becaufe 
there were jackals (Rarities, p. 21) ; 
and Wood faid that "the Virginians faw 
an old Lyon in their Plantation, who 
having loft his Iackall, which was wont 
to hunt his prey, was brought fo poore 
that he could goe no further." {Prof- 

New Englifh Canaan. 215 

the Nature of the beaft to frequent places accuftomed to 
fnow ; being like the Catt, that will hazard the burning of 
her tayle rather than abide from the fire. 

Chap. VI. 

Of Stones mid Minerals} 

NOw, (for as much as I have in a breife abftra6i fhewed 
you the Creatures whofe fpecificall Natures doe fim- 
pathife with the elements of fire and aire,) I will come to 
fpeake of the Creatures that participate of earth more then 
the other two, which is ftones. 

And firft of the Marble for building ; whereof there is Marble. 
much in thofe parts, in fo much there is one bay in the land 
that beareth the name of Marble harber, becaufe of the 
plenty of Marble there : 2 and thefe * are ufefull for * 84 
building of Sumpteous Pallaces. 

And becaufe no good building can be made permanent, Limejione. 
or durable, without Lime, I will let you underfhand that 


fieft, p. 17.) Strachey fpeaks of having As in the three preceding chapters, cer- 

found the fkins and claws of lions in tain other notes of my own have been 

the hands of the Indians. (Hiftorie, p. added, which are of a wholly different 

124.) The animal referred to in all thefe character, and will readily be diftin- 

cafes was doubtlefs the Panther or Cat- guifhed from ProfefTor Shaler's. 
amount {Felts concolor). On this fub- 2 The marble of Marble Harbor, or 

jec~t fee alfo Young's Ckron. of Pilg-, Marblehead, is not, in the prefent fenfe 

p. 176, note ; Tuckerman's New Eng- of the word, a marble at all, but is, in 

land's Rarities, p. 57, note ; and the fact, a porphyry. In the old fenfe of 

Mem. Hijlory of Bojlon, vol. i. p. 9. the word it designated any fmooth-ftriped 

1 For the fcientific and technical notes or fpotted ftones, fuch as are found 

to this chapter I am indebted to Profef- there, 
for N. S. Shaler of Harvard Univerfity. 


New Englifli Canaan. 

there is good Limeftone neere to the river of Monatoquinte, 1 
at Uttaquatock, 2 to my knowledge ; and we hope other places 
too, (that I have not taken fo much notice of,) may have 
the like, or better : and thofe Hones are very convenient 
for building. 

chalk. Chalke ftones there are neere Squantos Chappell, 3 fhewed 

me by a Salvage. 

siate. There is abundance of excellent Slate i in divers places of 

the Country ; and the befl that ever I beheld for covering 
of howfes : and the inhabitants have made good ufe of thefe 
materials for building. 

whetjiones. There is a very ufefull Stone in the Land, and as yet 
there is found out but one place where they may be had, in 
the whole Country : Ould Woodman, (that was choaked at 
Plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy Markes man 
when hee was purfued by a careleffe fellow that was new 
come into the Land,) they fay laboured to get a patent of 
it to himfelfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many 
fonnes that had a minde to engroffe that commodity. And 


1 No limeftone, good or bad, is known 
to exift on the Monatoquit now; the 
neareft limeftone is at Bear (or Bare) 
Hill, in Stoneham. 

2 There is a locality in Eaft Braintree, 
included in the Wainwright eftate, at 
the foot of Wyman's Hill and facing the 
Weymouth Fore-river, into which the 
Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry 
from which ftone bearing fome exter- 
nal refemblance to limeftone was for- 
merly taken for ballaft. This place 
has always been locally called the 
Quaw, though the origin and meaning 
of the name have never been known. 
It would feem that this mull be the place 

referred to in the text, and that Quaw, 
or Quor, is a corruption of the Indian 

3 There are no " chalke ftones " at 
Squanto's Chapelle, i. e., Squantum, or 
anywhere elfe in this part of the world. 
Morton may poffibly have miftaken peb- 
bles of decayed felfpar for chalk. 

4 There is fome date in Quincy and 
Weymouth that might be ufed for roof- 
ing, and a quarry of it was long worked 
for material for graveftones, &c, on 
Squantum Bay, a mile or fo from Mount 
Wollafton ; but it is date of a very 
poor fort. The neareft workable date 
is in Vermont and Maine. 

New Englifli Canaan. 


I cannot fpie any mention made of it in the woodden 
profpect.. 1 

Therefore I begin to fufpecl his aime, that it was for 
himfelfe ; and therefore will I not difcover it : it is the 
Stone fo much commended by Ovid, becaufe love delighteth 
to make his habitation in a building of thofe materials, 
where hee advifes thofe that feeke for love to doe it, Duris 
in Cotibus ilium? 

This ftone the Salvages doe call Cos; 3 * and of * 85 
thefe, (on the North end of Richmond Hand,) are 
ftore, and thofe are very excellent good for edg'd tooles. 4 I 


1 This paffage is more than ufually 
confufed, even for Morton. It is difficult 
to fay whether he is perpetrating a clumfy 
joke, or indulging in a malicious infinu- 
ation. John Billington was hanged at 
Plymouth in September, 1630, being ap- 
parently the fecond perfon fo executed in 
what is now Maffachufetts, the firft hav- 
ing been executed at Weymouth during 
the winter of 1622-3. {Infra, * 108-10.) 
The man fhot by Billington, and for 
whofe murder he was hung, was John 
New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence 
Morton's play upon the name. Billing- 
ton had two fons, but he was by no 
means " beloved." As Bradford, writing 
about him as early as 1625, faid, " he is a 
knave," adding prophetically "and fo 
will live and die." (Savage's Winthrop, 
vol. i. p. *36). Why Morton fhould have 
called him " Ould Woodman " is not 
clear. From his immediately going on 
to talk of the " woodden profpecl:," and 
the wifh of its author to fecure for him- 
felf a monopoly of the Richmond Ifland 
whetftones, which " Ould Woodman la- 
bored to get a patent of," it would feem 
as if he had intended to convey the idea 
that William Wood, the author of the 

New England^s Profpecl, was one of 
the " many fonnes " of" Old Woodman," 
who had been hanged at Plymouth. 
That fuch was Morton's intention, 
however, is not clear. The paffage is 
muddled, but not neceffarily malicious. 

2 The words quoted are not Ovid's, 
but Virgil's. Eclogues, viii. 43. 

3 Supra, 1 24. 

4 Joffelyn, in his Two Voyages (p. 202), 
fpeaks of the "excellent whetftones" 
then (1670) found at Richmond Ifland. 

" There is a fpecies of flate quite 
abundant on Richmond's Ifland, and 
fome other Iflands in Cafco Bay, which 
has been ufed for oil-ftones. Joffelyn, 
in his Voyages, fays that 'tables of flate 
could he got out long enough for a 
dozen men to fit at.' " See a communi- 
cation on this paffage of the New Ca- 
naan, figned J. P. B., in the Portland 
Prefs of January 2, 1883. Profeffor 
Shaler adds : " It is interefting to note 
the fact that Morton faw that whet- 
ftones could be made the bafis for trade. 
Stones fuitable for this purpofe are rare 
in Europe, and to-day a New Hampshire 
company fhips large quantities to Eu- 
rope and even to Auftralia." 

2i8 New Englifh Canaan, 

envy not his happineffe. I have bin there : 1 viewed the 
place : liked the commodity : but will not plant fo Northerly 
for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had. 


1 Richmond Ifland lies directly fouth- 
eaft of Cape Elizabeth and clofe to 
it. From what Morton fays in the next 
chapter and elfewhere {infra, *I49), it 
would feem that before his arreft by 
Standifh in June, 1628, — that is, in the 
fummer of 1627, — he had a fur ftation on 
the coaft of Maine. (Supra, 23.) Win- 
throp, writing under date of October 22, 
1 63 1, mentions the murder of " Walter 
Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one 

John P who kept with him," by the 

Indians at Richmond Ifland. He adds : 
" This Bagnall was fometimes fervant 
to one in the bay, and thefe three years 
had dwelt alone in the faid ifle, and had 
gotten about ^400 moft in goods. He 
was a wicked fellow, and had much 
wronged the Indians." (Winthrop, vol, 
i. p. *63). Bagnall would, from this, ap- 
pear to have been one of Morton's fer- 
vants at Mount Wollafton, as he alone 
in " the bay," at that time, had any 
number of fervants, or was engaged in 
trade on the Maine coaft. As Bagnall 
was killed in 1631, and had then lived 
alone at Richmond Ifland three years, 
he feems to have taken up his abode 
there in 1628, the time of the breaking 
up of the company at Mount Wollafton 
by Standifh and Endicott, and the fettle- 
ment at Richmond Ifland was thus the 
Maine offfhoot of that at Merry-mount. 
Bagnall was probably that one of Mor- 
ton's fervants who, he fays, was reputed, 
when he died, to have made a thoufand 
pounds in the fur trade in five years, 
" whatfoever became of it." (Supra, *78). 
Morton's expreffion here of " five years " 
agrees with Winthrop's "three years," 
and confirms this furmife. Bagnall had 
died in 1631. Morton had gotten con- 

trol at Mount Wollafton in 1626. (Supra, 
15.) Bagnall had remained there as his 
fervant two years, until 1628 ; then had 
been frightened away and gone to Rich- 
mond I (land, where he had lived three 
years more, as Winthrop fays, — mak- 
ing in all Morton's five years. In his 
phrafe " whatfoever became of it" Mor- 
ton characteriftically throws out an in- 
finuation in regard to Bagnall's poffef- 
fions. He probably meant to imply 
fome underhand proceeding to get hold 
of them on the part of the Maffachufetts 
Bay people. Recently a theory has 
been advanced in the Maine prefs, that 
Bagnall was an Epifcopalian, and com- 
petitor in trade of the Maffachufetts 
Company, and that Winthrop and his 
affociates, not being able otherwife to 
get rid of him, compaffed his death by 
indirect means. (See a letter of S. P. 
Mayberry in Portland Prefs of Jan. 9, 
1883.) Winthrop fays that moft of the 
poffeffions in queftion were in goods. 
A portion would naturally be in the form 
of money, and it was left for the prefent 
generation to form a moft plaufible fur- 
mife as to " whatfoever became " of 
fome of this money. On May 11, 1855, 
an old ftone pot was turned up by the 
ploughfhare, on Richmond Ifland, con- 
taining fifty-two coins ; and Mr. Willis, 
the hiftorian of Portland, then took 
occafion, in a letter to the Maffachufetts 
Hiftorical Society (Proceedings, May 
1857, pp. 183-8), to "exprefs the belief 
that the money [was] connected with the 
fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed 
by Sagamore Squidraket and his party, 
Oct. 3, 1631." There was nothing to 
(how that any of the coins were of a 
later date than 1631. A patent for 


New Englifh Canaan. 


There are Loadeftones 1 alfo in the Northerne parts of the Loadjiones. 
land : and thofe which were found are very good, and are a 
commodity worth the noteing. 

Iron ftones 2 there are abundance : and feverall forts of ironjiones. 
them knowne. 

Lead ore 3 is there likewife, and hath bin found by the Lead. 
breaking of the earth, which the Froft hath made mellow. 

Black Leade 4 I have likewife found very good, which the Biackiead. 
Salvages ufe to paint their faces with. 

Red Leade 5 is there likewife in great abundance. Read lead. 

There is very excellent Boll Armoniack. 6 Boil. 

There is moft excellent Vermilion. 7 All thefe things the Vermilion. 
Salvages make fome litle ufe of, and doe finde them on the 
circumference of the Earth. 

Richmond Ifland, together with fifteen 
hundred acres on the main land, was 
iffued to Bagnall by the Council for 
New England, Dec. 2, 163 1, juft three 
months after his death. (Records of 
the Council, pp. 51-2.) Morton was 
then in England, and unqueftionably in 
communication with Gorges. (Supra, 


1 Doubtlefs the magnetic iron oxides. 

None of thefe are known to me nearer 
than in the mountains forming the weft- 
erly part of the Berkfhire Hills, from 
New York City to the Adirondacks, ex- 
cept in Cumberland, R. I., where there 
is fome iron of this nature. 

' 2 No ironftones are known around 
Maffachufetts bay; the neareft depofits 
are in Rhode Ifland. 

3 Small quantities of galena ore have 
been found in Woburn and that vicinity. 
There are fome localities near New- 
buryport where the favages may have 
found fmall quantities of galena. 


4 Black leade is doubtlefs plumbago, 
or graphite ; it is found in Wrentham 
and in Worcefter, Mafs., as well as at 
various points in Rhode Ifland. 

5 Red leade is doubtlefs an ochre, fuch 
as may have been found near Cranfton, 
R. I. 

6 Boll armoniack is the Bolus armen- 
iaca of the old apothecaries. Bolus is the 
prefix to feveral old pharmacopial names, 
having loft its original fpecial fignifi- 
cation and come to be a given term for 
all lumpy fubftances. Here it means a 
fort of reddilh clay, fuch as may be ufed 
for marking, — a clayey ochre fuch as 
may have come from about Providence, 
R. I. 

7 Vermilion oxide of mercury is not 
known to occur this fide of the Rocky 
Mountains. It is likely that he miftook 
fome brilliant ochre for true vermilion. 
It may be, however, that the aborigi- 
nes traded for it with weflern tribes. 
Their copper implements probably came 


22o New Engli/Ii Canaan. 




Brimftone 1 mines there are likewife. 

Mines of Tinne 2 are likewife knowne to be in thofe parts : 
which will in fhort time be made ufe of : and this cannot be 
accompted a meane commodity. 

Copper mines 3 are there found likewife, that will enrich 
the Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne 
hardy labourers in the yoake, that the Plough and the 
Wheate may be feene more plentifully, it is a worke mult be 

* 86 * They fay there is a Silver, and a gold mine 4 found 
by Captaine Littleworth : 5 if hee get a patent of it to 
himfelfe hee will furely change his name. 

Chapter VII. 

from Lake Superior. Many evidences 
of almoft as wide a commerce could be 

1 Brimftone, or fulphur, does not exift 
in its metallic ftate this fide of the Cor- 
dilleras. He may have feen fome pyrite- 
bearing fchifts, fuch as occur in Maine, 
which in dumping give a fulphuric fmell. 

2 Tin does not occur in this region. 
Some localities are known in Maine and 
elfewhere in New England, but they 
could hardly have been found by the 
Savages, or known to Morton. 

8 Copper in its metallic ftate, the only 
form in which he would have recog- 
nized it, does not occur about Maffa- 
chufetts Bay. A very little of it has 
been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the 
valley of the Blackftone River. 

4 No filver, except when combined 
with lead and zinc ore, has ever been 
found in this diftricrt. Some occurs in 
the diftricf from Woburn to Newbury- 
port. Metallic filver could not have 
been known to the natives. The near- 
eft localities for metallic gold are the 

ftreams of Vermont, New Hampfhire, 
and weftern Maine, in which diftricl 
placer gold occurs in confiderable quan- 
tities, and fome auriferous quartz veins 
are known. 

Profeffor Shaler adds to his foregoing 
notes : " The general impreffion which 
I get from the writer is that he was a 
bad obferver, but not more untruthful 
than molt of the feventeenth century 
travellers. He does not fay that gold 
or filver had been feen by him, and 
limits his hearfay evidence to a tingle 
mine. Except for the extraordinary 
fluff about the whetftones, — wherein 
we may perhaps fee fomething of the 
Maypole humor, — it is, for its time, a 
rather fober and reafonable ftory." 

5 This is the name by which Morton 
invariably defignates John Endicott. For 
reafons which have been explained in 
the preliminary matter to this edition of 
the New Canaan (fupra, pp. 38-42), its 
author felt — and, as will be feen, never 
miffed an opportunity to exprefs — a 
peculiar bitternefs towards Endicott. 

New Englifli Canaan. 221 

Chap. VII. 

Of the Fifties, and what commodity they proove} 

AMong Fifhes, firft I will begin with the Codd, becaufe 
it is the mofl commodious of all fifli, as may appeare 
by the ufe which is made of them in forraigne parts. 

The Codd fifhing is much ufed in America, (whereof New codd. 
England is a part,) in fo much as 300. Sayle of fhipps, 
from divers parts, have ufed to be imployed yearely in that 

I have feene in one Harboure, 2 next Richmond Hand, 15. \$- shi PP sat 
Sayle of fhipps at one time, that have taken in them driyed codd. 
Codds for Spaine and the Straights, and it has bin found 
that the Saylers have made 15. 18. 20. 22. p. fhare for a 
common man. 

The Coaft aboundeth with fuch multitudes of Codd 3 that 
the inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds 


1 For the notes to this chapter I am taking them. In editing the Rarities, 

indebted to Theodore Lyman, of the Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had 

MaiTachufetts Fifli Commiffion. Hig- " little to offer in elucidation of the lift 

ginfon, in his New England's Planta- [of fifhes], which, indeed, in good part, 

tion, has a paffage on Fifh (Young's appears fufficiently intelligible," — a re- 

Chron. of Afafs., pp. 248-51), and Wil- mark equally applicable to the prefent 

liams, in his Key, devotes a chapter (xix.) chapter of the New Canaan. 

to the fame fubject. Wood again, in his 2 Portland Harbor. See fupra, 218, 

Profpecl (pp. 27-31), deals with it in his note 1. 

peculiar manner, and Joffelyn, both in 8 This proves that the local Cod, i. e., 
his Voyages (pp. 104-15) and in his thofe that breed clofe to the fhore, have 
Rarities (pp. 22-37), devotes a good much decreafed; and this partly by over- 
deal of fpace to the enumeration of the fifhing, and partly by the falling-off of 
different kinds of New England fifhes, their food in the form of young fiflies 
their peculiarities, and the methods of coming to the fea from rivers and brooks. 

222 New Englifh Canaan. 

with Codd ; and it is a commodity better than the golden 
mines of the Spanifh Indies ; for without dried Codd the 
Spaniard, Portingal and Italian would not be able to vittel 
of a fhipp for the Sea ; and I am fure at the Canaries it is 
the principall commodity : which place lyeth neere 
* 8y New England, very convenient for the vending of 
this commodity, one hundred of thefe being at the 
price of 300. of New found land Codds : greate ftore of 
Oyiemaydof traine oyle 1 is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a com- 
the Cod/. modity that without queftion will enrich the inhabitants of 
New England quicly; and is therefore a principall com- 
a 100 Bajfe The Baffe 2 is an excellent Fifh, both frefh and Salte; one 
hundred whereof falted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p. 
They are fo large, the head of one will give a good eater a 
dinner; and for daintineffe of diet they excell the Mary- 
bones of Beefe. There are fuch multitudes, that I have 
feene flopped into the river clofe adjoyning to my howfe, 
with a fand at one tide, fo many as will loade a fhip of a 
100. Tonnes. 

Other places have greater quantities, in fo much as wagers 
have bin layed that one fhould not throw a ftone in the 
water but that hee fhould hit a fifh. 

I my felfe, at the turning of the tyde, have feene fuch 
multitudes paffe out of a pound, that it feemed to mee that 
one might goe over their backs drifhod. ^, ~ 

1 This is perhaps the firft mention in Bafs mentioned four paragraphs below, 
America of cod-liver oil, now fo much as chafing mackerel "into the (hallow 
ufed in medicine. waters," may perhaps be the Bluefifh 

2 The Striped Bafs (Labrax). The (Temnodon). 

New Englifli Canaan. 223 

Thefe follow the bayte up the rivers, and fometimes are 
followed for bayte and chafed into the bayes, and (hallow 
waters, by the grand pife i 1 and thefe may have alfo a prime 
place in the Catalogue of Commodities. 

The Mackarels are the baite for the Baffe, and thefe Mackareii 
have bin chafed into the fhallow waters where fo many 2^" 
thoufands have fhott themfelves a fliore with the furfe of the 
Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on 
the Sands ; and for length, they excell * any of other * 88 
parts: they have bin meafured 18. and 19. inches in 
length and feaven in breadth : and are taken with a drayle, 2 
(as boats ufe to paffe to and froe at Sea on bufineffe,) in very 
greate quantities all alonge the Coafte. 

The Fifh is good, falted, for ftore againft the winter, as 
well as frefh; and to be accounted a good Commodity. 

This Sturgeon in England is regalis pifcis ; 3 every man in sturgeon. 
New England may catch what hee will : there are multitudes 
of them, and they are much fatter then thofe that are 
brought into England from other parts, in fo much as by 
reafon of their fatneffe they doe not looke white, but yellow, 


1 This is either an expreffion which 2 " Thefe Macrills are taken with 

has wholly paffed out of ufe, or elfe a drailes, which is a long fmall line, with 

mifprint. Probably the latter. It may, a lead and a hooke at the end of it, 

however, alfo be furmifed that Morton being baited with a peece of a red 

characleriftically coined a word from cloath." {New England's Pro/pett, p. 

the Latin, and here meant to refer to 30.) This inftrument ftill bears the fame 

the various large fifh in New England name and is ufed in the fame way. 

waters, fuch as the Horfe Mackerel 3 When caught in the Thames, within 

(Thynnus fecunda dorfalis), the Mac- the jurifdiftionof the Lord Mayor of Lon- 

kerel Shark {Lamna punctata), and don, the Sturgeon (Acipenfer) is a royal 

the common Dogfifh (Acanthias Amer- fifh referved for the fovereign. "The 

icanus), all of which follow fchools of Sturgeon is a Regal fifh too, I have feen 

mackerel, bafs, &c, into fhoal waters of them that have been fixteen foot in 

and prey upon them. lenghth." (Joffel., Two Voyages, p. 105.) 

224 New Englifli Canaan. 



Great plenty 
of Eeles. 

which made a Cooke prefume they were not fo good as 
them of Roufhea: filly fellow that could not underftand 
that it is the nature of flfh falted, or pickelled, the fatter the 
yellower being beft to preferve. 1 

For the tafte, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with 
choife pallats for the commendations, who liked the tafte fo 
well that they efteemed it beyond the Sturgeon of other 
parts, and fayd they were deceaved in the lookes : therefore 
let the Sturgeon paffe for a Commodity. 

Of Salmons there is greate abundance : and thefe may be 
allowed for a Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue. 

Of Herrings there is greate ftore, fat and faire : and, 
(to my minde,) as good as any I have feene; and thefe 
may be preferved, and made a good commodity at the 

* 89 * Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt- 
waters and in the frefh : and the frefh water Eele 
there, (if I may take the judgement of a London Fifhmonger,) 
is the beft that hee hath found in his life time. I have 
with 2. 2 eele potts found my howfehold, (being nine perfons, 
befides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4. 
moneths fpace,) and preferving of them for winter ftore: 3 
and thefe may proove a good commodity. qc 

1 But little attention has been paid 
as yet in the United States to the Stur- 
geon fiflieries, in fpite of their great 

2 [jieele.] Seefufira, in, note I. 

8 "There be a greate ftore of Salt 
water Eeles, efpecially in fuch places 
where graffe growes: for to take thefe 
there be certaine Eele pots made of 
Ofyers, which muft be baited with a 
peece of Lobfter, into which the Eeles 

entering cannot returne backe againe; 
fome take a bufhell in a night in this 
maner, eating as many as they have 
neede of for the prefent, and fait up the 
reft againft Winter. Thefe Eeles be not 
of fo lufcious a taft as they be in Eng- 
land, neither are they fo aguifh, but are 
both wholfom for the body, and delight- 
ful] for the tafte." {New England's 
Prof peel, p. 30.) 

New Englifli Canaan, 225 

Of Smelts there is fuch abundance that the Salvages doe smelts. 
take them up in the rivers with bafkets, like fives. 

There is a Fifh, (by fome called fhadds, by fome allizes,) 1 shaddsor 
that at the fpring of the yeare paffe up the rivers to fpaune i0 dlZJ m 
in the ponds ; and are taken in fuch multitudes in every & round - 
river, that hath a pond at the end, that the Inhabitants 
doung their ground with them. You may fee in one towne- 
fhip a hundred acres together fet with thefe Fifh, every acre 
taking iooo. of them: and an acre thus dreffed will pro- 
duce and yeald fo much corne as 3. acres without fifh : and, 
leafl any Virginea man would inferre hereupon that the 
ground of New England is barren, becaufe they ufe no fifh 
in fetting their corne, I defire them to be remembred the 
caufe is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to fett. But 
this practife is onely for the Indian Maize, (which muft be 
fet by hands,) not for Englifli graine : and this is there- 
fore a commodity there. 

There is a large fized fifh called Hallibut, or Turbut: 2 Turimtor 
fome are taken fo bigg that two men have much a 
doe to hale them into the boate ; but there is * fuch * 90 
plenty, that the fifher men onely eate the heads and 
finnes, and throw away the bodies : fuch in Paris would 
yeeld 5. or 6. crownes a peece : and this is no difcom- 
modity. There 

1 Morton confounds the Shad (Alofa fhore or in fhoal water. It is taken by 
pr&Jtabilis), or Allize (corruption of the the Gloucefter fifhermen along the outer 
French Alofe), with the fmaller Ale wife, banks, in depths of a hundred to two 
This, with the Smelt and the Eel, are hundred fathoms. The New England 
among the few fhore fifties that are ftill Turbot (Lophopfetta) of our coafts is a 
found in comparative plenty. The Men- different fifh, and rarely ventures to the 
haden is ufed in our time to fet corn. north of Cape Cod. The fifhermen 

2 At the prefent time the Halibut frequently fell our turbot as chicken- 
(Hippoglojfus) is feldom caught near the halibut. 

226 New Englifli Canaan. 

Plaice. There are excellent Plaice, 1 and eafily taken. They, 

(at flowing water,) do almoft come afhore, fo that one may 
ftepp but halfe a foote deepe and prick them up on the 
fands and this may paffe with fome allowance. 

Hake. Hake 2 is a dainty white fifh, and excellent vittell frefh ; 

and may paffe with other commodities, becaufe there are 

puckers. There are greate ftore of Pilchers : 3 at Michelmas, in 

many places, I have feene the Cormorants 4 in length 3. miles 
feedinge upon the Sent. 

Lobjiers. Lobfters are there infinite in ftore in all the parts of the 

land, and very excellent. The moft ufe that I made of 
them, in 5. yeares after I came there, was but to baite my 
Hooke for to catch Baffe ; I had bin fo cloyed with them 
the firft day I went a fhore. 

This being knowne, they fhall paffe for a commodity to 
the inhabitants; for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000. 
at a place where Lobfters come in with the tyde, to eate, 
and fave dried for ftore ; abiding in that place, feafting and 
fporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together. 5 There 

1 The Flounder {Pfendopleuronecles), about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and 
whereof there are feveral fpecies. northward, vifiting New England waters 

2 Hake (Phycis) are ftill fomewhat during the autumn and winter. While 
common. with us they are exclufively maritime, 

3 Morton probably means the Men- frequenting by choice the vicinity of 
haden (Brevoortia). The European Pilch- outlying ledges and fmall, rocky iflands. 
ard, the adult of the Sardine, is not When paffing from place to place, they 
found on our coaft. often fly in large flocks, which are ufu- 

4 Probably the Double-crefted Cor- ally arranged in long lines or Angle 
morant (Phalacrocorax dilophus). The files. They live on fifh, which they 
Common Cormorant (P. carbo) alfo capture by diving. 

occurs in New England, but it is rare 5 This paragraph, and the one on 
to the fouthward of Maine. Both fpe- clams immediately following it, throw 
cies breed abundantly on rocky fhores confiderable light on the formation of 


New Engli/Ii Canaan, 227 

There are greate ftore of Oyfters in the entrance of all Oyjiers. 
Rivers : they are not round as thofe of England, but excel- 
lent fat, and all good. I have feene an Oyfter banke a mile 
•at length. 

Muftles there are infinite ftore ; I have often gon Mujiks. 

* to Waffagufcus, where were excellent Muftles, to eate * 91 
for variety, the fifh is fo fat and large. 1 

Games is a fhellfifh, which I have feene fold in Weftmin- ciames. 
fter for 12. pe. the fkore. Thefe our fwine feede upon, and 
of them there is no want ; every more is full ; it makes the 
fwine proove exceedingly, they will not faile at low water to 
be with them. The Salvages are much taken with the 
delight of this fiflie, and are not cloyed, notwithstanding the 
plenty : for our fwine we finde it a good commodity. 

Rafer fillies there are. Raferfifk. 

Freeles there are, Cockles and Scallopes; 2 and divers Freeie. 
other forts of Shellfifhe, very good foode. 

Now that I have fhewed you what commodities are there 
to be had in the Sea, for a Market ; I will fhew what is in 
the Land, alfo, for the comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it 
doth abound. And becaufe my tafke is an abftracl:, I will 
difcover to them the commodity thereof. 

There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, Frejiifijii, 
Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles, carpes, 

1 Breames, 
and pj&es, Roches, 
the fhell-heaps, a queftion which has proceedings of that meeting in the Col- Tenches, 
been recently much difcuffed. See the lections of the Society. and Eeles. 

paper of Profeffor F. W. Putnam, read at * We, in this country, have not re- 
the meeting of the Maine Hiftorical So- tained the European tafte for muffels 
ciety in Portland, in December, 1882, and for razor-fhells (Solen). 
which will appear in the report of the 2 The eating of fcallops {Pecleti) has 

been revived within a few years. 

228 New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

and other fifhes fuch as England doth afford, and as good 
for variety ; yea, many of them much better ; and the Na- 
tives of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to catch 
them with : and I have knowne the time that a Trouts 
hooke hath yeelded a beaver fkinne, which hath bin a good 
commodity to thofe that have bartered them away. 

Thefe things I offer to your confideration, (curteous 
Reader,) and require you to fliew mee the like in any part of 
the knowne world, if you can. 



*Chap. VIII 

Foode and 

Noe Boggs. 

aire with 
fweet herbes. 

Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters. 

NOw fince it is a Country fo infinitely bleffc with foode, 
and fire, to roaft or boyle our Flefh and Fifh, why 
fhould any man feare for cold there, in a Country warmer 
in the winter than fome parts of France, and neerer the 
Sunne : unles hee be one of thofe that Salomon bids goe to 
the Ant and the Bee. 

There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country, 
from whence the Sunne may exhale unwholfom vapors: 
But there are divers arematicall herbes and plants, as Saffa- 
fras, Mufke Rofes, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, Hunnifuckles, 
and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire ; and it 
has bin a thing much obferved that fhipps have come from 
Vireinea where there have bin fcarce five men able to hale a 
rope, untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude 


New Kngli/Ii Canaan. 229 

and fmell the fweet aire of the fhore, where they have fud- 
dainly recovered. 1 

And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much ; of Waters. 
for the Land is fo apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg 
amiffe : therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times 
come thether, there needs be no contention for wells. 

Befides there are waters of molt excellent vertues, worthy 

* At Ma-re-Mount there was a water, 2 (by mee dif- * 93 The cure of 
covered,) that is moft excellent for the cure of Mel- Maremmnt. 

ancolly probatum. 

At Weenafemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to The cure of 

13(1 KfC7l 1T€ 116* 

cure barrenneffe. The place taketh his name of that Foun- 
taine which fignifieth quick fpring, or quickning fpring 
probatum. 3 

Neere Squantos Chappell, 4 (a place fo by us called,) is a water pro- 
Fountaine that caufeth a dead fleepe for 48. howres to thofe deaJ'feepe. 
that drinke 24. ounces at a draught, and fo proportionably. 


1 A ftrong fpirit of emulation exifted 8 Winnifimmet, the Indian name of 
in the early years of the feventeenth Chelfea. Upon the fignificance of the 
century, between the advocates of New name Mr. Trumbull writes : " I have 
England and thofe of Virginia, as fites my doubts about Morton's Weenafem- 
for colonization. Morton was always a ute, but am inclined to believe that his 
ftanch New Englander, and in this interpretation is founded on fact. Af- 
chapter, as well as in thofe which imme- him (= aflm, in local dialecl) is once 
diately precede and follow it, he lofes ufedby Eliot (Cant. iv. 12) for 'fountain.' 
no opportunity to affert the fuperiority of It denotes a place from which water (for 
the Maffachufetts climate and produces drinking) is taken. WinrfafJiim, or 
over thofe of the country further fouth. Winrfafim, means 'the good fountain,' 
It is needlefs to point out that his ad- or fpring; and Winrtafim-nt (or et) is 
vocacy led him into ludicroufly wild 'at the good fpring.' The efficacy of 
flatements. the water ' to cure barrennefs ' may have 

2 There is no natural fpring of any been Morton's embellifhment, but not 
kind at Mount Wollafton, though water improbably was an Indian belief." 

is eafily obtained by digging. 4 Squantum, in Quincy. 

230 New Englifh Canaan. 

New Engl, 
excels Ca- 
naan infoun- 


Mi Ike and 
Ifony Jup- 

A plain pa- 
ralell to Ca- 

The Salvages, that are Powahs, at fet times ufe it, and re- 
veale ftrang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it. So 
that in the delicacy of waters, and the conveniency of them, 
Canaan came not neere this Country. 

As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed 
with, it is fupplyed by the plenty of birds, beafts and Fifli ; 
whereof Canaan could not boaft her felfe. 

Yet never the leffe, (fince the Milke came by the induftry 
of the firft Inhabitants,) let the cattell be cherefhed that are 
at this time in New England, and forborne but a litle, I will 
afke no long time, no more but untill the Brethren have con- 
verted one Salvage and made him a good Chriflian, and I 
may be bold to fay Butter and cheefe will be cheaper there 
then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in old 
England at this prefent ; for there are flore of Cowes, 
confidering the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is 
1 2000. 1 perfons : and in gods name let the people have 
their defire, who write to their freinds to come out of 
Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes with 
Milke and Hony. And 

1 This is a grofs exaggeration. Thom- 
as Wiggin, in November, 1622, wrote: 
" For the plantation in Mattachufetts, 
the Englifh there being about 2000 peo- 
ple, yonge and old." (111. Majs. Hijl. 
Coll., vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May 
22, 1634, about the time Morton referred 
to {Supra, 78), Governor Winthrop 
fays : " For the number of our people, 
we never took any furveigh of them, 
nor doe we intend it, except inforced 
throughe urgent occafion (David's ex- 
ample ftickes fomewhat with us) but I 
efleeme them to be in all about 4000 : 

foules and upwarde." {Proc. Mafs. 
Hijl. Soc, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the 
New England's Projpccl (p. 42), Wood 
fpeaks of the population of Maflachu- 
fetts as "foure thoufand foules." In 
the fpring of 1634 there may have been 
five hundred perfons in the Plymouth 
colony, and as many more in New Hamp- 
fhire and Maine, making a total New 
England population of five thoufand at 
the time Morton was writing. When 
the New Canaan was published, how- 
ever, in 1637, the population undoubt- 
edly was as large as 12,000. 

New Englijli Canaan. 231 

* And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether * 94 The Requcji 
it be not a Land that for her excellent indowments of minaLn of 

Nature may paffe for a plaine paralell to Canaan of Ifraell, ^a„f a 
being in a more temporat Climat, this being in 40. Degrees 
and that in 30. 

Chap. IX. 

A Perfpeclwe to view the Country by. 

AS for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertil- TheSoyie. 
ity thereof, and preferre it before the Soyle of Eng- 
land, (our Native Country) ; and I neede not to produce 
more then one argument for proffe thereof, becaufe it is fo 

Hempe is a thing by Hufband men in generall ageed The grouth 
upon to profper beft in the mod fertile Soyle : and experi- °~ 
ence hath taught this rule, that Hempe feede profpers fo 
well in New England that it fhewteth up to be tenne foote 
high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice fo high as 
the ground in old England produceth it ; which argues New 
England the more fertile of the two. 1 

As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the main- The aire. 
tenance of the excellency thereof ; which is fo generall, as I 
affure myfelfe it will fuffice. 

No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with a t o cold 

111 1 ' r ^ cough or 

a cold, a cough, or a murre ; but many men, comming lick mur re. 


1 Supra, 187, note 4. 


New Englifh Canaan. 

The plenty 
of the Land. 


out of Virginea to New Canaan have inftantly recov- 

* 95 ered with the helpe of the purity *of that aire; 1 no 

man ever furfeited himfelfe either by eating or drinking. 

As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no 
part of Afia, Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe 
bring forth any more then one fingle faune ; and in New 
Canaan the Deare are accuftomed to bring forth 2. and 3. 
faunes at a time. 2 

Befides, there are fuch infinite flocks of Fowle and Multi- 
tudes of fifh, both in the frefh waters and alfo on the Coaft, 
that the like hath not elfe where bin difcovered by any 

The windes there are not fo violent as in England ; which 
is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by 
the Sea Coaft ; for there they doe not leane from the winde 
as they doe in England : as we have heard before. 3 T , 

1 This aftounding proposition was in 
the early days of the fettlement not pe- 
culiar to Morton. Higginfon, in his 
New Englands Plantation, fpeaks of 
the " extraordinary clear and dry air, 
that is of a moft healing nature to all 
fuch as are of a cold, melancholy, phleg- 
matic, rheumatic temper of body," and 
concludes what he has to fay on the 
fubjefl with his often-quoted fentiment 
that "a fup of New-England's air is 
better than a whole draught of Old 
England's ale." (Young's Chron. of 
Afafs., pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, fays 
in his Key (ch. xiii.) : "The Nor- 
Wefl wind (which occafioneth New- 
England cold) comes over the cold 
frozen Land, and over many millions 
of Loads of Snow : and yet the pure 
wholefomneffe of the Aire is wonder- 
full, and the warmth of the Sunne, fuch 
in the (harped weather, that I have 
often feen the Natives Children runne 

about ftarke naked in the coldeft 
dayes." Again, in the pamphlet en- 
titled New England'' 's Firfl Fruits, 
printed in London in 1643, it was ftated, 
in reply to the objection of extreme win- 
ter cold, that "the cold there is no im- 
pediment to health, but very wholfome 
for our bodies, infomuch that all forts 
generally, weake and ftrong, had fcarce 
ever fuch meafure of health in all their 
lives as there. . . . Men are feldome 
troubled in winter with coughes and 
Rheumes." (1. Afafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. i. 
p. 249.) Joffelyn, however, writing 
nearly thirty years later, remarks : 
" Some of our New-England writers 
affirm that the EnglifJi are never, or 
very rarely, heard to fneeze or cough, 
as ordinarily they do in England, which 
is not true." {Two Voyages, p. 184.) 

2 Supra, 201, note 2. 

8 Supra, *iy. 

New EnglifJi Canaan. 233 

The Raine is there more moderate then in England ; name. 
which thing I have noted in all the time of my refidence to 
be fo. 

The Coafl is low Land, and not high Land : and hee is of The Coaji. 
a weake capacity that conceaveth otherwife of it, becaufe it 
cannot be denied but that boats may come a ground in all 
places along the Coaft, and efpecially within the Compas of 
the Maffachufets patent, where the profpe6t is fixed. 1 

The Harboures are not to be bettered for fafety and Harboures. 
goodneffe of ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy 
obfervation,) fhipping will not there be furred ; neither are 
they fubjecl; to wormes, as in Virginea and other places. 

* Let the Scituation alfo of the Country be confid- * 96 situation. 
ered, (together with the reft which is difcovered in the 
front of this abftra6t,) and then I hope no man will hold this 
land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the fecond 

And, fince the Seperatifts are defirous to have the de- The Nomi- 
nomination thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their 
behalfe for your confents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I 
doe fliew you what Revels they have kept in New Canaan. 2 

Chapter X. 

1 Wood in his Profpett (p. 2), refer- taking place. (Supra, 78.) Wood's 
ring to the approach to Bofton Bay from Profpeft was publifhed in 1634, and the 
Cape Anne, had faid : "The furrounding conftant references to it in the firft two 
fhore being high, and mowing many books of the New Canaan fhow that 
white Cliffes, in a moft pleafant prof- they were both written fubfequent to its 
pe<5t." publication, probably during that year. 

2 The Second Book of the New Ca- In the Third Book there are no allu- 
naan, it would feem, originally ended fions to the Pro/peel, and the reference 
with this chapter. The next chapter to the Third Book in the Second 
was an afterthought of the author, writ- (Supra, *5i), to which attention has 
ten before December, 1635, as is evident already been called, fhow that it mult 
from the allufions in it to events then have been written before the others, 


34 New Englifh Canaan. 

Chap. X . 

Of the Great Lake of Erocoife in New England, and 
the commodities thereof. 

WEfhwards from the Maffachufetts bay, (which lyeth in 
42. Degrees and 30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,) 
is fcituated a very fpacious Lake, (called of the Natives the 
Lake of Erocoife, 1 ) which is farre more excellent then the 
Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Paleftina, both in 
refpecl of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewife 
of the manifould commodities it yealdeth : the circumference 
of which Lake is reputed to be 240. miles at the leaft : and 
it is diftant from the Maffachuffetts bay 300. miles, or there 
Fmvie innu- abouts : 2 wherein are very many faire Iflands, where innumer- 
able flocks of feverall forts of Fowle doe breede, Swannes, 
Geefe, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water Fowle. 


and probably during the year 1633. p. 316.) On fome of the early maps it 

It would feem to have been completed is put down 'Lake Champlain or Iro- 

in May, 1634. There is, however, alfo coife.' It is fo called in Purchas's 

a reference to be found in the Third Pilgrims (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region 

Book to the Second {Infra, *i 20), but about the lake was fometimes called 

it was probably interpolated during a Irocofia. The Iroquois lived on the 

revifal of the manufcript. fouth of the lake, and, as their enemies 

1 Now Lake Champlain. " By the on the north approached them through 

Indians north of the St. Lawrence and this lake, they naturally called it the 

the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the Lake of the Iroquois." {MS. letter of 

Iroquois, as likewife the River Riche- Rev. E. F. Staffer.) 
lieu, connecting it and the River St. 2 The meafurement and diftance here 

Lawrence, they called the River of the given are very nearly correct. Lake 

Iroquois. Champlain difcovered the Champlain is 126 miles long by about 

lake in 1609, and gave it his own name. 14 in width at its broadeft part. Bur- 

( Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. lington is not far from 240 miles from 

210-20; Parkman's Pioneers of France, Bofton. 

New Englifli Canaan. 235 

* There are alfo more abundance of Beavers, Deare * 97 
and Turkies breed about the parts of that lake then in 
any place in all the Country of New England ; and alfo fuch Multitudes of 
multitudes of fifli, (which is a great part of the foode that the FiJlu 
Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be admired at : So 
that about this Lake is the principalis place for a plantation The prime 
in all New Canaan, both for pleafure and proffit. cSam. 

Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected, 
which may have intercourfe one with another by water, very 
commodioufly : and it is of many men of good judgement 
accounted the prime feate for the Metropolis of New Ca- 
naan. 1 From this Lake, Northwards, is derived the famous 
River of Canada, (fo named of Monfier de Cane, 2 a French Canada, fo 
Lord that firft planted a Colony of French in America, "/Z%rde 
there called Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke 3 Ca 
of late, by taking that plantation, brought home in one 


1 In regard to the imaginary attrac- of "the River Canada, (fo called from 
tions and advantages of Laconia and Monfieur Cane)?' 1 

its great lake, fee Belknap's American 8 On the breaking out of the war be- 

Biography, vol. i. p. 377. tween England and France in 1627, 

2 The two brothers, William and under the influence of Buckingham, 
Emery de Caen, became prominent in Sir William Alexander had been inftru- 
the hiftory of Canadian fettlement in mental in organizing an expedition to 
162 1, and remained fo for a number of feize the French poffeffions in America, 
years. They did not, however, plant At its head were three Huguenots of 
a colony of French in America, nor was Dieppe, — David, Louis and Thomas 
the name of Canada, or of its famous Kirk, brothers. The expedition was 
river, derived from their name. On fuccefsful, and on the 20th of July, 1629, 
this point fee Parkman's Pioneers of Champlain furrendered Quebec to Louis 
France, pp. 184, note, and 391-5. Mor- Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of 
ton's derivation of the name Canada is the expedition, returned to England in 
entitled to much the fame weight as his November of the fame year ; but his 
derivation of the names Pantucket and brother Thomas remained in Canada 
Mattapan. {Supra, 124.) It was not, and held Quebec as an Englifh conqueft 
however, peculiar to him as, forty years until July, 1632, when, in accordance 
later, Joffelyn alfo fpeaks {Rarities, p. 5) with the conditions of the peace of April 


236 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 


Great heards 
of Beajts as 
bigg as Cowes. 

fhipp, (as a Seaman of his Company reported in my hearing,) 
25000. Beaver fkinnes. 1 

And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly 
River, called of the Natives Patomack, which difchardseth 
herfelfe in the parts of Virginea ; from whence it is naviga- 
ble by fhipping of great Burthen up to the Falls, (which 
lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and 
from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This 
River is navigable for veffels of good Burthen ; and thus 
much hath often bin related by the Natives, and is of late 

found to be certaine. 2 
* 98 : They have alfo made defcription of great heards 

of well growne beafts, that live about the parts of this 


14, 1629, it was reftored to France. 
See Kirke's Firjl EngliJJi Conqneft of 
Canada, pp. 63-93 ; Parkman's Pioneers 
of France, pp. 401 -11 ; alfo Mr. Dearie's 
note in Proc. Mafs. Hifl, Soc. for 1875 
-6, pp. 376-7. 

1 The number of beaver-fkins really 
carried to England by Kirk was feven 
thoufand. (Kirke's Firfl Englifh Con- 
qncft of Canada, p. 85.) 

2 It is unneceffary to fay that Morton 
was here writing at random. He con- 
founds the Potomac with the Hudfon, 
though, a few paragraphs further on 
{Infra, *99), he ftates the facts in regard 
to the latter river correctly; and the 
latitude he gives has no fignificance, be- 
ing that of Poughkeepfie, on the Hudfon, 
and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The Poto- 
mac nowhere flows fo far north as 40 . 
The falls referred to are probably 
thofe of Niagara. They had not then 
been difcovered (Parkman's Jefuits 
in North America, p. 142), though 
vague reports concerning them had 
reached the French through the Indians, 

and they are plainly indicated on Cham- 
plain's map of 1629. (Voyages, Prince 
Soc. ed., vol. i. p. 271, note.) Some 
loofe ftories in regard to the rivers, falls, 
lakes and iflands of the interior had 
been picked up by Morton, probably in 
his talks with feamen and others who 
had taken part in Kirk's expedition. 
He certainly fell in with thefe in Lon- 
don, and it is more than likely that 
at the houfe of Gorges he faw Cham- 
plain's map of 1629; though upon that 
the falls are placed at 43^ degrees of 
latitude, inftead of at 41^. In 1634 there 
was no other map. On the ftrength of 
the information thus gathered, he made 
the ftatements contained in this chap- 
ter. The little he knew had been 
obtained in England, after his return 
there in 1631 ; for the Maffachufetts In- 
dians can hardly have known much of 
the remote interior, and in 1630 no at- 
tempts even at exploration away from 
the feafhore had been made by the fhrag- 
gling occupants of the New England 

New Engli/Ii Canaan, 237 

Lake, fuch as the Chriftian world, (untill this difcovery,) 
hath not bin made acquainted with. Thefe beafts are of the 
bigneffe of a Cowe ; their Flefh being very good foode, their 
hides good lether, their fleeces very ufefull, being a kinde 
of wolle as fine almoft as the wolle of the Beaver ; and the 
Salvages doe make garments thereof. 

It is tenne yeares fince firft the relation of thefe things 
came to the eares of the Englifh : at which time wee were 
but (lender proficients in the language of the Natives, and 
they, (which now have attained to more perfection of Eng- 
lifh,) could not then make us rightly apprehend their 
meaninge. 1 

Wee fuppofed, when they fpake of Beafts thereabouts as 
high as men, they have made report of men all over hairy 
like Beavers, in fo much as we queftioned them whether 
they eate of the Beavers, to which they replyed Matta, 2 (noe) 
faying they were almoft Beavers Brothers. This relation at 
that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, fince, time 
hath made more apparent. 

About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate 
Commodity by the trade of furres, to inrich thofe that fhall 
plant there ; a more compleat difcovery of thofe parts is, (to 
my knowleadge,) undertaken by Henry Iofeline, 3 Efquier, 


1 The ftories here referred to prob- ly fignifies no-thing {Key, 182). Matta, 
ably came from the Indians of Connec- as Morton gives it, is the fimple negative, 
ticut and Maine, and referred to the 3 Henry Joffelyn was a brother of 
rivers and lakes of New England, but John Joffelyn, author of A T ew Englands 
were afterwards fuppofed to have had a Rarities and the Two Voyages to New 
wider fignificance. England, frequently quoted in the notes 

2 Williams {Key, 64) gives Machdug to this edition of the New Canaan. He 
as the Indian word for A T o, but it real- came out from England in the intereft 


238 New Englifh Canaan. 

forme of Sir Thomas Iofeline of Kent, Knight, by the appro- 
bation and appointement of that Heroick and very good 
Henry iofe- Common wealths man, Captaine Iohn Mafon, 1 Efquier, 

for di}twery. * 99 a * true fofter Father and lover of vertue, (who at his 

owne chardge,) hath fitted Matter Iofeline and im- 
ployed him to that purpofe; who no doubt will performe as 
much as is expected, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into thofe 
parts before him,) doe not fruftrate his fo hopefull and 
laudable defignes. 

It is well knovvne they aime at that place, and have a pof- 
fibility to attaine unto the end of their defires therein, by 
meanes of the River of Mohegan, which of the Englifh is 
named Hudfons River, where the Dutch have fetled two 
well fortified plantations already. If that River be derived 
from the Lake, as our Country man in his profpecl; 2 affirmes 


of Mafon, as ftated in the text, in 1634, preparing a life of Mafon, which would 

and paffed the remainder of his life in unqueftionably have been a valuable 

Maine, living at Black Point in the town addition to the hiftory of the fettlement 

of Scarborough. He died in 1683. He of New England. The material he had 

was deputy-governor of the province, collected is now in the poffeffion of his 

and one of the moft active and influen- family. In regard to the Laconia Com- 

tial men in it, holding, through all pany and its projects, fee Belknap's 

changes of proprietorfhip and govern- American Biography, under the title 

ment, the moft important offices. See Gorges, and Mr. Deane's note in the 

Mr. Tuckerman's Introduction to the Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, 1875-6, pp. 

New Englands Rarities ; HiJl.oJ Cum- 376-80. 

berland County, Maine, p. 362. 2 Wood's ftatement here referred to 

1 Of Captain John Mafon of New is found on the firft page of the Prof- 

Hampfhire and the Laconia enterprife, peel, and is as follows : " The Place 

it is not neceflary to fpeak at length in whereon the Englifh have built their 

this connection. Mafon was the moft Colonies, is judged by thofe who have 

prominent character in the early hiftory belt (kill in difcovery, either to bee an 

of New Hampfhire, and the lofs which Ifland, furrounded on the North fide 

his death, in December 1635, entailed with the fpacious River Cannada, and 

on the projects of Gorges and Morton on the South with Hudfons River, or 

has already been referred to (Supra, 76). elfe a Peninfula, thefe two Rivers over- 

The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Bofton lapping one another, having their rife 

was at the time of his death engaged in from the great Lakes which are not farre 


New Engli/Ji Canaan. 239 

it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place alfo, they will 
gleane away the belt of the Beaver both from the French 
and the Englifh, who have hitherto lived wholely by it ; and 
very many old planters have gained good eftates out of fmall 
beginnings by meanes thereof. 

And it is well knowne to fome of our Nation that have The Dutch 
lived in the Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained trade^/Bel- 
by Beaver 20000. pound a yeare. 1 >l/^£f 

The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that iffue 
out of this Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to 
be Patomack, the other Canada : and why may not the 
third be found there likewife, which they defcribe to trend 
weftward, which is conceaved to difcharge herfelfe into the 
South Sea ? The Salvages affirme that they have feene 
fhipps in this Lake with 4. Mafts, which have taken from 
thence for their ladinge earth, that is conjectured to be 
fome minerall ftuffe. 

* There is probability enough for this; and it may * 100 
well be thought that fo great a confluxe of waters as are 
there gathered together, muft be vented by fome great Riv- 
ers ; and that if the third River, (which they have made men- 
tion of,) proove to be true, as the other two have done, there Thepaffage 
is no doubt but that the paffage to the Eaft India may be /Jjf £s £ay ' 
obtained without any fuch daingerous and fruitleffe inquefl 
by the Norweft, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured : And 
there is no Traveller of any refonable capacity but will 


off one another, as the Indians doe cer- ported from the New Netherlands, 

tainly informe us." valued at about £1 2,000. (O'Calla- 

1 In 1631 no lefs than 15,174 fkins, ghan's New Nethcrland, \>. 139.) 
the greater portion beaver, were ex- 

Delta in JE- 


240 New Englifli Canaan. 

graunt that about this Lake mull be innumerable fpringes, 
and by that meanes many fruitfull and pleafant paftures all 
about it. It hath bin obferved that the inland part, (witnes 
Neepnet, 1 ) are more pleafant and fertile then the borders of 
The country the Sea coafte. And the Country about Erocoife is, (not 
/eftl/7as as without good caufe,) compared to Delta, the moft fertile 
parte in all /Egypt, that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets 
derived from Nilus fruitfull channell, like vaines from the 
liver ; fo in each refpect is this famous Lake of Erocoife. 

And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable over- 
fight to protract time, and fuffer the Dutch, (who are but 
intruders upon his Majefties moft hopefull Country of New 
England,) to poffeffe themfelves of that fo plefant and 
commodious Country of Erocoife before us : being, (as ap- 
peareth,) the principall part of all New Canaan for planta- 
tion, and not elfewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne 



1 The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhab- {Hiji. of Worcejler County, vol. i. p. 
ited the prefent county of Worcefter. 8.) 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 241 

* 101 



Hou that art by Fates degree, 
Or Providence, ordain d to fee 
Natures wonder, her richjlore 
Ne-r difcovered before, 
TJi admired Lake of Erocoife 
And fertile Borders, now rejoyce. 
See what multitudes of fifli 
Shee prefents to fitt thy difli. 
If rich furres thou dofl adore, 
And of Beaver Fleeces flore, 
See the Lake where they abound, 
And what pleafures els are found. 
There chajl Leda, free from fire, 
Does enjoy her hearts defire ; 
Mongjl theflowry bancks at eafe 
Live the fporting Najades, 
Bigg limd Druides, whofe browes 
Bewtified with greenebowes. 
See the Nimphes, how they doe make 
Fine Meanders from the Lake, 
Twining in and out, as they 
Through the p leaf ant groves make way, 


242 New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

Weaving by thejliady trees 
Curious Aua/lomafes y 
* 102 * Where the harmeles Turtles breede, 

And fuck ufefull Bcajis doe feede 
As no Traveller can tell 
Els where how to paralell. 
Colcos golden Fleece rejecl ; 
This defervcth bejl refpecl. 
In fweete Peans let thy voyce, 
Sing the praife of Erocoife, 
Peans to advaunce her name, 
New Canaans everlajling fame. 





The Third Booke. 

Containing a defcription of the People that are 
planted there, what remarkable Accidents have 
happened there fince they were fetled, what 
Tenents they hould, together with the practife 
of their Church. 

Chap. I . 

Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after 
their arrivall, by the Sachem of thofe Territories} 

He Sachem of the Territories where the 

Planters of New England are fetled, that are 
the firft of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan, 
not knowing what they were, or whether 
they would be freindes or foes, and * being 




1 This is a confufed, rambling ac- which took place during the firft year 
count of the familiar Indian incidents after the landing at Plymouth. There 


244 New Englifli Canaan. 

A Salvage 
fent an Am- 
bajfador to 
the EtigliJJi 
at their firjl- 

defirous to purchafe their freindfhip that hee might 
have the better Affurance of quiet tradinge with them, 
(which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him,) 
was defirous to prepare an ambaffador, with commiffion to 
treat on his behalfe, to that purpofe ; and having one that 
had beene in England (taken by a worthleffe man * out of 
other partes, and after left there by accident,) this Salvage 2 
hee inftrucled how to behave himfelfe in the treaty of 
peace ; and the more to give him incouragement to adven- 
ture his perfon amongft thefe new come inhabitants, which 
was a thinge hee durfh not himfelfe attempt without fecurity 
or hoftage, promifed that Salvage freedome, who had beene 
detained there as theire Captive : which offer hee accepted, 
and accordingly came to the Planters, falutinge them with 
wellcome in the Englifli phrafe, which was of them admired 
to heare a Salvage there fpeake in their owne language, and 
ufed him great courtefie : to whome hee declared the caufe 
of his comminge, and contrived the bufineffe fo that hee 
brought the Sachem and the Englifli together, betweene 
whome was a firme league concluded, which yet continueth. 


is nothing of hiftorical value in it, and 
nothing which has not been more ac- 
curately and better told by Bradford, 
Winflow, Mourt and Smith. 

1 Captain Thomas Hunt, who com- 
manded one of the veffels of Smith's 
fquadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Brad- 
ford, p. 95.) 

2 Morton, in this chapter, confounds 
Samofet with Squanto. It was Squanto 
who was kidnapped by Hunt and had 
been in England, but it was Samofet who 
walked into the Plymouth fettlement, 
on the 26th of March [n. s.], 1621, 

and faluted the planters with "well- 
come in the Englifli phrafe." Squanto 
was a native of Plymouth, but Samo- 
fet belonged at Pemaquid, in Maine. 
(Mourt, Dexter's ed., note 295, p. 83.) 
Hence Morton fpeaks of his having 
been detained by Maffafoit as a captive. 
He apparently came to Maffachufetts the 
year before on Captain Dermer's veffel, 
in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter 
.is ferioufly in error in his account of 
Squanto in note 315 of his edition of 
Mourt. Squanto could not have been 
one of the Weymouth captives of 1605. 

New Rnglifli Canaan, 245 

After which league the Sachem, being in company with the 

other whome hee had freed and fuffered to live with the 

Englifh, efpijnge a place where a hole had been made in 

the grounde, where was their ftore of powder layed to be 

preferved from danger of fire, (under ground,) demaunded of 

the Salvage what the Englifh had hid there under ground ; 

who anfwered the plague; 1 at which hee ftarteled, TheSackem 

becaufe of the great mortality lately * happened by * 105 pYJgut!* 

meanes of the plague, 2 (as it is conceaved,) and the 

Salvage, the more to encreafe his feare, told the Sachem 

if he fhould give offence to the Englifh party they would 

let out the plague to defhroy them all, which kept him in 

great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another 

Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in fol- 

emne manner and intreated the governour that he would 

let out the plague to deftroy the Sachem and his men who 

were his enemies, promifing that he himfelfe and all his 

pofterity would be their everlalting freindes, fo great an 

opinion he had of the Englifh. 

C HAP. I I . 

Of the entertainement of Mr. Weftons people fent to fettle a 

plantation there. 


After Thomas Wefton, 3 a Merchant of London that 
had been at fome coft to further the Brethren of new 


1 This is the familiar anecdote of 2 Seefupra, 133, note. 
Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113 ; Young's 8 The molt conneaed account of 
Chron. 0/ Pilg., p. 292.) Thomas Wefton and his abortive plan- 


246 New Englifk Canaan. 

Plimmouth in their defignes for thefe partes, fhipped a com- 
pany of Servants, fitted with provition of all forts, for the 
undertaking of a Plantation to be fetled there ; with an 
intent to follow after them in perfon. Thefe fervants at firfl 
court holy arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with 
piimmoutk. court holy bread by the Brethren : they were made very 
wellcome, in fhew at leaft : there thefe fervants goodes were 
landed, with promifes to be affifted in the choife of a con- 
venient place ; and flill the good cheare went forward, and 
the ftrong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren 
were in confultation what was belt for their advantage, ring- 
ing the fonge, Frujira fapit, qui Jibi non fapit. 
* 106 * This plantation would hinder the prefent practice 
and future profit ; and Mafter Wefton, an able man, 
would want for no fupplies upon the returne of Beaver, and 
fo might be a plantation that might keepe them under, who 
had a Hope to be the greateft : befides his people were no 
chofen Seperatifls, but men made choice of at all adven- 
tures, fit to have ferved for the furtherance of Mafter Wef- 
tons undertakinges : and that was as much as hee neede to 
care for : ayminge at Beaver principally for the better effect- 
ing of his purpofe. Now when the Plimmouth men began 
to finde that Mafter Weftons mens ftore of provition grew 
fhort with feafting, then they hafted them to a place called 
Weffagufcus, in a weake cafe, and there left them failing. 

Chapter III. 

tation at Weffaguffet, already referred 22. Winflow in Young's Chron.of Pilgp 

to (Supra, 2), is that contained in Ad- Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (IV. Mafs. 

ams's Addrefs on the 250//* Anniverfary Hijl. Coll., vol. iv.) are the original au- 

of the Settlement of Weymouth, pp. 5- thorities. 

New Englifh Canaan. 247 

Chap. III. 

Of a Battle fought at the Maffachuffets, betweene the EngliJJi 

and the French} 

THe Planters of Plimmouth, at their laft being in thofe 
parts, having defaced the monument of the ded at Pa- 
fonageflit, (by taking away the herfe Cloath, which was two 
greate Beares fkinnes fowed together at full length, and 
propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks mother, 2 ) the 
Sachem of thofe territories, being inraged at the fame, 
ftirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge : and, 
having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an The Sachems 
oration in this manner. When laft the glorious light 
of all the * fkey was underneath this globe, and Birds * 107 
grew filent, I began to fettle, (as my cuftome is,) to 
take repofe ; before mine eies were faft clofed, mee thought Afpirit 

t morning the 
•*• Sachem to 

1 This is a wholly confufed and mif- vifit to thofe parts, prior to the " battle 
leading account of the fkirmifh which fpoken of in this chapter, was in No- 
took place between the Plymouth party, vember, 1622 (Young's Chron. of Pilg. 
under command of Miles Standifh, and p. 302), when they got little in the way 
the MafTachufetts Indians living near of fupplies, and heard nothing but com- 
Weffaguflet, immediately after the kill- plaints from the Indians of Wefton's peo- 
ing of Peckfuot and Wituwamat, in pie, who had then been feveral months 
March, 1623. The correct account of at Weffaguffet. It is far more proba- 
the affair is in Young's Chron. of Pilg., ble that thefe latter ftripped the grave 
p. 341. Why Morton fpeaks of it as at Paffonagefht. In any event there can 
a battle between the Englifh and the be little doubt that Morton himfelf had 
French is inexplicable. vifited the fpot while taking his " furvey 

2 Seefufira, pp. 11. 162, 170. The of the country" during the previous 
Plymouth people may have defpoiled fummer (Supra, 6), and it is quite clear 
the grave of Chickatawbut's mother of that the defpoiling- the grave had no con- 
its bear-fkins during fome one of their ne<5lion with the fubfequent " battle," in 
earlier vifits to Bofton Bay. Their laft which Chickatawbut took no part. 


New Englijli Canaan. 

The grand 

makes a 

The maine 

I faw a vifion, (at which my fpirit was much troubled,) and, 
trembling at that dolefull fight, a fpirit cried aloude behold, 
my fonne, whom I have cherifht, fee the papps that gave 
thee fuck, the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee 
oft, canft thou forget to take revenge of thofe uild people 
that hath my monument defaced in defpitefull manner, dif- 
daining our ancient antiquities and honourable Cuftomes ? 
See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common peo- 
ple of ignoble race, defaced ; thy mother doth complaine, 
implores thy aide againft this theevifh people new come 
hether; if this be fuffered I fhall not reft in quiet within 
my everlafting habitation. This faid, the fpirit vanifhed ; 
and I, all in a fweat, not able fcarce to fpeake, began to 
gett fome ftrength, and recollect my fpirits that were fled : 
all which I thought to let you underftand, to have your 
Councell, and your aide likewife ; this being fpoken, ftraight 
way arofe the grand Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us 
to Armes, it doth concerne us all, let us bid them Battaile ; 
fo to Armes they went, and laid weight for the Plimmouth 
boate ; and, forceinge them to forfake their landinge place, 
they feeke another befl for their convenience ; thither the 
Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like fucceffe ; but all 
in vaine, for the Englifh Captaine warily forefaw, and, per- 
ceavinge their plot, knew the better how to order his men 

fit for Battaile in that place ; hee, bouldly leading his 
* 108 men on, rainged about the feild to and fro* and, 

taking his beft advantage, lets fly, and makes the 
Salvages give ground : the Englifh followed them fiercely 
on, and made them take trees for their flielter, (as their 
cuflome is,) from whence their Captaine let flie a maine ; yet 


New Englifli Canaan, 249 

no man was hurt ; at laft, lifting up his right arm to draw 

a fatall fhaft, (as hee then thought to end this difference), 

received a fhott upon his elbow, 1 and ftraight way fled; 

by whofe example all the army followed the fame way, 

and yealded up the honor of the day to the Englifli party; TkefeUd 

who were fuch a terror to them after that the Salvages durft w E Zgu$. * 

never make to a head againft them any more. 

Chap. IV. 

Of a Parliament held at WeJJagufcus, and the Acles. 

M After Weftons Plantation beinge fetled at Weffagufcus, 
his Servants, many of them lazy perfons that would Some lazy 
ufe no endeavour to take the benefit of the Country, fome 
of them fell ficke and died. 

One amongft the reft, an able bodied man that ranged a tujiy 
the woodes to fee what it would afford, lighted by accident -^ ow ' 
on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a capp full of 
corne ; the Salvage owner of it, finding by the foote fome 
Englifli had bin there, came to the Plantation, and made 
complaint after this manner. 

* The cheife Commander of the Company one this * 109 Apoorecom- 
occation called a Parliament of all his people, but Edward 

thofe that were ficke and ill at eafe. And wifely now they 5«^/*^. 

muff. M a *d e a 

hainous fa<fl. 

1 " Infomuch as our men could have who, together with another both dif- 

but one certain mark, and then but the charged at once at him, and brake his 

arm and half face of a notable villain, as arm." (Young's Chron. ofPilg., p. 341-) 
he drew [his bow] at Captain Standifh ; 

250 New Englifh Canaan, 

muft confult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife or 
ftringe of beades would well enough have qualified ; and 
Edward Iohnson was a fpetiall judge of this bufinefle; the 
facl was there in repetition ; conftruclion made that it was 
fellony, and by the Lawes of England punifhed with death ; 
and this in execution muft be put for an example, and like- 
wife to appeafe the Salvage : when ftraight wayes one arofe, 
mooved as it were with fome companion, and faid hee could 
not well gaine fay the former fentence, yet hee had con- 
ceaved within the compaffe of his braine an Embrion that 
was of fpetiall confequence to be delivered and cherifhed ; 
hee faid that it would moft aptly ferve to pacifie the Salv- 
ages complaint, and fave the life of one that might, (if neede 
mould be,) (land them in fome good fteede, being younge 
and ftronge, fit for refinance againft an enemy, which might 
come unexfpecled for any thinge they knew. The Oration 
made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede 
to (hew the meanes how this may be performed : fayes hee, 
a fine device, you all agree that one muft die, and one mall die; this 
younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put upon one 
that is old and impotent, a fickly perfon that cannot efcape 
death, fuch is the difeafe one him confirmed that die hee 
muft; put the younge mans cloathes on this man, and let 
the fick perfon be hanged in the others fteede : Amen fayes 

one ; and fo fayes many more. 
*no * And this had like to have prooved their finall 

fentence, and, being there confirmed by Acl of Par- 
liament, to after ages for a Prefident : But that one with a 
ravenus voyce begunne to croake and bellow for revenge ; 
and put by that conclufive motion, alledging fuch deceipts 


A wife Sen 

To hange a 
fick man in 
the others 

New Englifh Canaan. 


might be a meanes hereafter to exafperate the mindes of 
the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salv- 
ages mould fee their zeale to Iuftice ; and therefore hee very fit 
mould die : this was concluded ; yet nevertheleffe a fcruple IuJltce ' 
was made ; now to countermaund this act, did reprefent 
itfelfe unto their mindes, which was, how they mould doe to 
get the mans good wil ? this was indeede a fpetiall obftacle : 
for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for a dangerous 
any man to attempt the execution of it, left mifcheife mould am ** m 
befall them every man ; hee was a perfon that in his wrath 
did feeme to be a fecond Sampfon, able to beate out their 
branes with the jawbone of an Affe : therefore they called le/Hng 
the man, and by perfwation got him faft bound in jeft ; and SS/* 
then hanged him up hard by in good earneft, 1 who with a 


1 This is the famous Weffaguffet 
hanging which Butler introduced into 
his poem of Hudibras (Canto II. lines 
409-36), in the paffage already referred 
to {Supra, 96). It is as follows : — 

" Our Brethren of New-England ufe 
Choice malefactors to excufe, 
And hang the Guiltlefs in their flead, 
Of whom the Churches have lefs need ; 
As lately 't happen'd : In a town 
There liv'd a Cobler, and but one, 
That out of Doclrine could cut Ufe, 
And mend men's lives as well as fhoes. 
This precious Brother having (lain, 
In times of peace an Indian, 
(Not out of malice, but mere zeal, 
Becaufe he was an Infidel), 
The mighty Tottipottymoy 
Sent to our Elders an envoy, 
Complaining ibrely of the breach 
Of league held forth by Brother Patch, 
Againit the articles in force 
Between both churches, his and ours, 

For which he craved the Saints to render 
Into his hands, or hang th' offender; 
But they maturely having weigh'd 
They had no more but him o' th' trade, 
(A man that ferved them in a double 
Capacity, to teach and cobble), 
Refolv'd to fpare him ; yet to do 
The Indian Hoghan Moghan too 
Impartial juflice, in his ftead did 
Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid." 

That a man was hung at WefTaguffet, 
in March 1623, for ftealing corn from 
the Indians, there can be no doubt. 
There is equally little doubt that it was 
the real thief who was hung. (Pratt's 
Relation, iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv. 
p. 491 ; Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 332 ; 
Bradford, p. 130.) I have already {Su- 
pra, 96) given my own theory as to how 
the incident came to take the fhape it 
did in Butler's poem. He wrote, I 
think, from a vague recollection of an 


252 New Englifli Canaan, 

weapon, and at liberty, would have put all thofe wife judges 

of this Parliament to a pittifull non plus, (as it hath beene 

credibly reported,) and made the cheife 

Iudge of them all buckell to 




*Chap. V. 

Of a Maffacre made upon the Salvages at Weffagufcus. 



Fter the end of that Parliament, fome of the plantation 
there, about three perfons, 1 went to live with Checa- 
Good quarters tawback and his company ; and had very good quarter, for all 

with the Sal- . -, 


ever, to have myfelf ever met this partic- 
ular charge among the many and lingular 
charges, much more abfurd, which Eng- 
lifli writers have from time to time grave- 
ly advanced againft America. In Uring's 
Voyages (p. 116-8) there is a lingular 
account of a fimilar vicarious execution, 
which never could have met the eye of 
the author of Hudibras, inafmuch as it 
was not publifhed until 1726; but it 
fhows that either fome fuch event did 
take place, or that its having taken 
place was at one period a ftock travel- 

1 Three of Wefton's company were 
among the Maffachufetts Indians at the 
time of the Weffaguffet killing ; one of 
the three had before domefticated him- 
felf with them ; the other two, difre- 
garding Standifh's orders, had ftraggled 
off, the day before the maffacre, to a 
neighboring Indian village. After the 
maffacre the favages put all three to 
death by torture. (Pratt's Narrative, 
iv. Mafs. Hijl. Coll., vol. iv. p. 486 ; 
Young's Chron. of Pilg., p. 344.) 

amufing traveller's-ftory, which he had 
heard told fomewhere years before. 
There is no reafon to fuppofe that he 
had ever feen the New Canaan. 

It has always been affumed that But- 
ler's verfion of the affair, — the vicari- 
ous execution verfion, — coming out as 
it did in 1664, at a period of violent 
reaction againft Puritanifm, and when 
the New England colonies were in ex- 
treme popular disfavor, — obtained a 
foothold in Englifh popular tradition ; 
much fuch a foothold, in fact, as the 
Connecticut Blue Laws. It was an in- 
tangible fomething, always at hand to 
be caft as a mocking reproach in the 
face of a fanftimonious community. As 
fuch it was fure to be refented and dif- 
proved ; but never by any difproof could 
it be exorcifed from the popular mind, 
or finally fet at reft. This may have 
been the cafe, and the references to the 
matter in Hutchinfon (vol. i. p. 6, note), 
in Hubbard (p. 77), and in Grahame 
(Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, note), certainly 
look that way. I do not remember, how- 

New Englijli Canaan. 253 

the former quarrell with the Plimmouth planters : they are 
not like Will Sommers, 1 to take one for another. There 
they purpofed to flay untill Mafler Weftons arrivall : but the 
Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered by 
the confequence,) came in the meane time to Weffagufcus, a piottfrom 
and there pretended to feaft the Salvages of thofe partes, Plimnmuh - 
bringing with them Porke and thinges for the purpofe, 
which they fett before the Salvages. They eate thereof 
without fufpition of any mifcheife, who were taken upon a 
watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging salvages 
about their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters ftabd fSZT 
and flaine : one of which were hanged up there, after the wea P ons - 
flaughter. 2 

In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this acci- News car- 
dent, by one that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Maffachuf- 
fets, and gave them intelligence of the newes ; after which 
time the Salvages there, confultinge of the matter, in the 


1 Will Sommers was the famous jeft- probably the one Morton had in mind, 

er and court fool of Henry VIII. His Oates is reprefented as giving an earl, 

witticifms are frequently met with in the the gueft of his patron, Sir William 

plays and annals of the period ; and the Hollis, " a found box on the ear," for 

portrait, faid to be by Holbein and of faluting Lady Hollis, and then excufed 

him, looking through a window and tap- himfelf on the ground of " knowing not 

ping on the glafs, was formerly a prom- your eare from your hand, being fo like 

inent feature in the gallery at Hampton one another." (Doran's Court Fools, 

Court. It is very queftionable, how- p. 182.) Remembering this ftory in the 

ever, whether the ftory alluded to in Nejl of Ninnies, Morton, with his well- 

the text belongs to Sommers. He developed faculty for getting everything 

had been dead eighty years or more wrong, feems to have fathered it on the 

when Morton wrote, and the ftories moft famous and popular of the occu- 

connecled with him had been gotten pants of the Nefl. 

together by Armin, and printed in his 2 For the detailed account of the Wef- 

Nejl of Ninnies, in 1608. This book faguffet killing, fee Winflow's Relation 

Morton had probably feen. In it there in Young's Chron. of Pilg., pp. 336-41 ; 

is a ftory of another famous fool, Jack Adams's 250M Anniverfary of IVey- 

Oates, of an earlier period, which is mouth, pp. 18-22. 


New Englifh Canaan. 

A revenge. 

7 Vie Salvages 
call the Eng- 
UJJi cut- 

night, (when the other Englifh feareles of danger were a 
fleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in revenge of the 
*ii2 death of their * Countrymen : but if the Plimmouth 
Planters had really intended good to Mafter Wefton, 
or thofe men, why had they not kept the Salvages alive in 
Cuftody, untill they had fecured the other Englifh ? Who, 
by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the bufmeffe, loft 
their lives, and the whole plantation was diffolved there- 
upon ; as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a 
relatione to this cruell antecedent ; and when Mafter Wefton 
came over hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes 
thereof : But could not tell how it was brought about. 

The Salvages of the Maffachuffets, that could not imagine 
from whence thefe men fhould come, or to what end, feeing 
them performe fuch unexpected actions ; neither could tell 
by what name properly to diftinguifh them ; did from that 
time afterwards call the Englifh Planters Wotawquenange, 1 
which in their language fignifieth ftabbers, or Cutthroates : 
and this name was received by thofe that came there after 
for good, being then unacquainted with the fignification 
of it, for many yeares following ; untill, from a Southerly 
Indian that underftood Englifh well, I was by demonftration 
made to conceave the interpretation of it, and rebucked thefe 
other that it was not forborne : The other callinge us by 
the name of Wotoquanfawge, what that doth fignifie, hee 


■ a Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Wil- watitacone-ndaog of Williams. This, 
liams's Key (p. 59), explains a blunder Morton confounded with another name 
here made by Morton. The correct for Englifhmen, chauquaqock, mean- 
word is wotawquenauge. which means ing, "knife- [i.e., fword-] men," which 
"coat-men," or men wearing clothes, the he underftood to mean " cut-throats." 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 255 

faid, hee was not able by any demonftration to expreffe; 

and my neighbours durft no more, in my hearinge, call us 

by the name formerly ufed, for feare of my 


*Chap. VI. * 113 

Of the furprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth 


THis Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts TheMer- 
of New Canaan and findinge that his Plantation was sjJJgJT' 
diffolved, fome of his men flaine, fome dead with licknes, 
and the reft at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed in his minde 
about the matter ; comminge as hee did with fupply, and 
meanes to have rafed their fortunes and his one exceedingly : 
and feeinge what had happened refolved to make fome flay 
in the Plimmouth harbour. 1 And this futed to their pur- 
pofe ; wherefore the Brethren did congratulate with him 


1 Wefton, in 1622, got into ferious a companion or two, in an open boat, 
trouble with the Englifh government, in for Maffachufetts Bay. He was wrecked 
regard to fome ordnance and military near the mouth of the Merrimac, and 
(tores, which he had obtained a licenfe barely efcaped with his life. The fav- 
to fend to New England, and had then ages there ftripped him to his fhirt, and 
fold to the French, with whom the Eng- in this plight he reached Thomfon's 
lifli were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) He plantation at Pifcataqua. Thence he 
feems to have been in hiding in confe- found his way to Plymouth, arriving 
quence of this tranfaftion ; and early in there, not as Morton fays, " with fupply 
1623 went on board of one of the fifh- and means to have raifed [his compa- 
ing-veffels in the difguife of a black- ny's] fortunes," but in abfolute deftitu- 
fmith, and came out in her to the fta- tion. Bradford's account of his recep- 
tions on the Maine coaft. There he tion and of what enfued (pp. 133-4, 149 
muft have learned of the extreme ftraits, -53) is very different from that given 
if not of the abandonment, of his planta- in the text; and, it is hardly neceffary 
tion at Weffaguffet, and he fet out, with to add, reads much more like the truth. 


New Rngli/Ji Canaan. 

A glojfe upon 
the falfe text. 

Where two 
nations meet 
one vuijl rule 
the other 
mujl be ru- 
led or no 

at his fafe arrivall, and their beft of entertainement for a 
fwetning caft, deploring the difafter of his Plantation, and 
lozing upon the text, alledging the mifcheivous intent of 



the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of their 
neighbours was difcovered before it came to be full fummed : 
fo that they loft not all, allthough they faved not all : and 
this they pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love 
and zeale to him and Chriftianity, and to chaftife the info- 
lency of the Salvages, of which that part had fome danger- 
ous perfons. And this, as an article of the new creede 
of Canaan, would they have received of every new com- 
mer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous 

people, fubtill, fecreat and mifcheivous ; and that it 
114 is dangerous to live feperated, but * rather together: 

and fo be under their Lee, that none might trade for 
Beaver, but at their pleafure, as none doe or fhall doe there : 
nay they will not be reduced to any other fong yet of the 
Salvages to the fouthward of Plimmouth, becaufe they 
would have none come there, fayinge that hee that will fit 
downe there muff, come ftronge : but I have found the 
Maffachuffets Indian more full of humanity then the Chrif- 
tians ; and haue had much better quarter with them ; yet I 
obferved not their humors, but they mine ; althoug my 
great number that I landed were diffolved, and my Com- 
pany as few as might be : x for I know that this falls out 
infallibly where two Nations meete, one muft rule and the 
other be ruled, before a peace can be hoped for : and for a 
Chriftian to fubmit to the rule of a Salvage, you will fay, 


1 Supra, 14. 

New Englifli Canaan. 257 

is both fhame and difhonor : at leaft it is my opinion, and 

my practife was accordingly, and I have the better quarter 

by the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better 

quarter, the more Chriftians the worfer quarter, I found ; as 

all the indifferent minded Planters can teftifie. Now, whiles 

the Merchant was ruminatinge on this mifhapp, the Plim- 

mouth Planters perceivinge that hee had furnifhed himfelfe 

with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandife of the a Mackivdi 

Country, (and holding it good to fifli in trobled waters, and pc 

fo get a fnatch unfeene,) praclifed in fecret with fome other 

in the land, whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit The Vaiie. 

of fuch a cheat, and it was concluded and refolved upon that 

all this ihipp and goodes fliould be confiscated, for bufi- 

neffe done by him, the Lord knowes when, or where : 1 

*a letter muft be framed to them, and handes unto * 115 

it, to be there warrant ; this fliould fhadow them. 


1 The incident here alluded to was veflel in the courfe of the following fum- 
the feizure of the Swan, under a war- mer, and recovered poileffion of her. 
rant ilTued by Captain Robert Gorges, He then began to trade along the coaft. 
acting as Lieutenant of the Council for Meanwhile, in September, Captain Rob- 
New England, in November, 1623. The ert Gorges arrived, and immediately fet 
Swan was a fmall veffel of 30 tons out to look for Wefton, in order to call 
meafurement, which Wefton had fent him to account for the ordnance tranf- 
out with his expedition, in 1622. His aclions referred to in the preceding note, 
plan was, when the larger veffel — the and alfo for the diforderly conduct of his 
Charity, in which his company went people at Weffaguffet during the previ- 
out — returned to England, to have the ous winter. Starting for the eafhvard, 
Swan remain in New England, to be he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by 
ufed for trading purpofes. Accordingly, heavy weather, and while he was lying 
all through the winter of 1622-3, it had there the Swan made its appearance 
been at Weffaguffet, except when em- with Wefton on board. Bradford's ac- 
ployed by the people there in obtaining count of what enfued. including the feiz- 
iupplies in connection with the Ply- ure of the veffel, differs toto ca>lo from 
mouth people. When, in March, 1623, that in the text. He fays that Captain 
Weffaguffet was abandoned, the com- Robert Gorges, acting as governor- 
pany went in the Swan to the Maine general under his commiffion from the 
liihing-ftations. Here Wefton found the Council for New England, at once organ- 

258 New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

SJiipp and 
goodes con- 

That is the firft praclife ; they will infane a man, and then 
pretend that Iuftice muft be clone. They caufe the Mer- 
chant (fecure) to come a fhore, and then take him in hold, 
mewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter ftrait 
abord, perufe the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the 
Charge of her to their Confederates : and how much leffe 
this is then Piraty, let any practife in the Admiralty be 
judge. The Merchant, his fhipp and goodes confiscated, 
himfelfe a prifoner and threatned fo to be fent and conveyed 
to England, there to receave the fomme of all that did 
belonge to him a malefactor, (and a great one to) ; this hee, 
good man, indured with patience longe time, untill the belt. 


ized a fort of a court, —he, Bradford, 
acting as an affiftant in it, — and proceed- 
ed to arraign and try Wefton. As a refult 
of the whole proceedings Gorges threat- 
ened to fend Wefton under arreft back 
to England. Through the interceffion of 
Bradford, however, he was mollified, 
and finally Wefton was releafed on his 
own promife to appear when called for. 
Gorges then went to Weffaguffet, leav- 
ing Wefton with the Swan at Plymouth. 
After a time Gorges feems to have con- 
cluded that it would be very convenient 
for him to have control of the Swan, at 
any rate for that winter. Accordingly 
he fent a warrant to Plymouth for its 
feizure and the arreft of Wefton. Brad- 
ford, not liking this proceeding, took 
fome exception to the warrant, and re- 
fufed to allow it to be ferved. At the 
fame time it was intimated to Weflon 
that he had better take himfelf and his 
veffel off. This lie would not do. Ap- 
parently his crew was mutinous and 
unruly, their wages being long in ar- 
rears, and the Swan deftitute of fup- 
plies. He feems to have looked upon 
arreft and feizure as (he beft way out of 

his difficulties. Prefently a new warrant 
came from Gorges, and both veffel and 
prifoner were removed to Weffaguffet. 
This was in November. There they 
paffed the winter of [623-4. Towards 
fpring Gorges went in the Swan to the 
eaftward, Wefton accompanying him, 
apparently as a pilot. The tidings re- 
ceived there led the difappointed young 
Lieutenant of the Council to decide on 
immediately returning to England. Ac- 
cordingly he came back to Weffaguffet, 
and thence went probably to the fifhing- 
ftations, very poffibly in the Swan. 
Before leaving he effected fome fort of 
a fettlement with Wefton, — Bradford 
intimates much to the advantage of the 
latter, — who was releafed from arreft, 
had his veffel reftored to him, and was 
compenfated for whatever lofs he had 
fuftained. Wefton thereupon reappeared 
at Plymouth, and thence went to Vir- 
ginia. He feems to have traded along 
the coaft for fome years, but finally 
drifted back to England, where in 1645 
he died, at Briftol, of the plague. (Brad- 
ford, pp. 140-53. Young's Chron. of 
Pilg., pp. 296-8, 302.) 

New Englijli Canaan. 259 

of all his goodes were quite difperfed, and every actor [had] when every 
his proportion ; the Merchant was [then] inlarged ; his had hhjLre 
fhipp, a burthen to the owner now, his undertakinges in #£**? e ' 
thefe partes beinge quite overthrowne, was redelivered, and a s ame - 
bondes of him were taken not to profecute : hee, being Bonds taken 
ereived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that %te.° * 
and Virginea many yeares. The brethren, (fharpe witted,) 
had it fpread by and by amongft his freinds in England, that Report Mr. 

r- ill* r 1 ii* Wejion was 

the man was mad. So thought his wife, fo thought his mad in A^ew 

other freindes that had it from a Planter of the Towne. So 1 

was it thought of thofe, that did not know the Brethren 

could diffemble : why, thus they are all of them honeft men iionejimcn 

in their particular, and every man, beinge bound to feeke Tar! 1 ' 

anothers good, fhall in the generall doe the beft hee 

can to effect it, and fo they may be excufed I thinke. 

*Chap. VII. *n6 

Of Thomas Mortons entertainement at Plimmouth, and 
caftinge away upon an I/land? 

THis man arrived in thofe parts, and, hearing newes of a 
Towne that was much praifed, he was delirous to goe 

thither, and fee how thinges flood ; where his entertainement Brave enter- 
tainement in 

WaS a wildernes. 

1 This chapter relates to incidents of of another. The only time when " 35 

no apparent confequence, and of which ftout knaves " were landed, at all in the 

there is no other record. It is not eafy way defcribed, at Plymouth, was in July, 

even to fix the time at which they oc- 1622, when the Charity brought in there 

curred, and it would feem as if Morton, Wefton's company. Yet Morton fpeaks 

in his rambling, incoherent way, had of there then being " three cows " at 

confufed the events of one year with thofe Plymouth, which would indicate that 


260 New Englifh Canaan. 

The m canes. 

Booke lear- 
ning defpifed. 

was their beft, I dare be bould to fay : for, although they 
had but 3. Cowes in all, 1 yet had they frefh butter and a 
fallet of egges in dainty wife, a difh not common in a wilder- 
nes. There hee beftowed fome time in the furvey of this 
plantation. His new come fervants, in the meane time, 
were tane to tafke, to have their zeale appeare, and quef- 
tioned what preacher was among their company ; and find- 
ing none, did feeme to condole their eftate as if undone, 
becaufe no man among them had the guift to be in Ionas 
fteade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path fo 
hard to keepe. 

Our Mafter, fay they, reacles the Bible and the word of 
God, and ufeth the booke of common prayer: but this is not 
the meanes, the anfwere is : the meanes, they crie, alas, 
poore Soules where is the meanes ? you feeme as if betrayed, 
to be without the meanes : how can you be flayed from fall- 
inge headlonge to perdition? Facilis defcenfus avemi : 2 the 
booke of common prayer, fayd they, what poore thinge is 
that, for a man to reade in a booke ? No, no, good firs, I 

would you were neere us, you might receave comfort 
117 by m^ftruclion : give me a man hath the guiftes of 

the fpirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profeffe fayes 



Morton's arrival, referred to in the text, 
was not in July 1622, but at fome time 
fubfequent to the fpring of 1624, when 
Winllow brought over "three heifers 
and a bull, the firft beginning of any 
cattle of that kind in the land." (Brad- 
ford, p. 15S.) Yet Wefton, again, had 
no "barque" at Plymouth after 1623. 
The chapter feems to have been intro- 
duced limply for the purpofc of working 

on the church prejudices of Laud againft 
the Puritans. (Seefufira, 93-4.) There 
is in it a combination of " the booke of 
common prayer " and " claret fparklinge 
neatc," which is fuggeftive of the Book 
of Sports as well as of " the Word of 

1 Bradford, p. 158. 

2 Facilis defcenfus Averno. jEncid, 
vi. 127. 

New Rnglifli Canaan. 261 

one, to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth 

By thefe infinuations, like the Serpent, they did creepe 
and winde into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude, 
that were defirous to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt, 
(which fome of them after confeffed) ; and little good was to 
be done one them after this charme was ufed : now plotts and 
factions how they might get loofe : and here was fome 35. 
ftout knaves ; and fome plotted how to fteale Mafter Weftons 
barque, others, exafperated knavifhly to worke, would prac- vuianous 
tife how to gett theire Mafter to an Ifland, and there leave knaves. 
him; which hee had notice of, and fitted him to try what 
would be done ; and fteps aborde his fhallop bound for 
Cape Anne, to the Maffachuffets, with an Hogfhead of 
Wine ; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoift up, and one 
of the Confpirators aboard to fteere ; who in the mid way pre- 
tended foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore, 
for a time, hee would put in to an Ifland neere, and make 
fome flay where hee thought to tempt his Mafter to walke 
the woods, and fo be gone: but their Mafter to prevent 
them caufed the fales and oares to be brought a fhore, to Prevented 
make a tilt if neede fhould be, and kindled fire, broched hy d ' fc ' 
that Hogfhed, and caufed them fill the can with lufty liqour, 
Claret fparklinge neate ; which was not fuffered to grow 
pale and flatt, but tipled of with quick dexterity : the Maf- And di/cove- 
ter makes a fliew of keepinge round, but with clofe redindrinke. 

lipps did feeme * to make longe draughts, knowinge * 118 
the wine would make them Proteftants ; and fo the 
plot was then at large difclofed and difcovered, and they made 
drowfie ; and the inconftant windes fliiftinsre at nidit did 



New Englifh Canaan. 

Vikfed!"* f° rce tne kellecke home, 1 and billedge the boat, that they 

were forced to leave her fo, and cut downe trees that grew 

Two men of j^y £} ie fl lore to make Caffes : two of them went over bv 

the Company J J 

cajtaway helpe of a fore faile almoft a mile to the maine ; the other 
jhoreupon two ftayed five dayes after, till the windes would ferve to fill 
the failes. The firft two went to cape Ann by land, and had 
fowle enough, and fowle wether by the way ; the Iflanders 
had fifh enough, fhel-fifh and fire to roaft, and they could not 
perifh for lacke of foode, and wine they had to be fure ; and 
by this you fee they were not then in any want : the wine 
and goodes brought thence ; the boat left there fo billedgd 
that it was not worth the labor to be mended. 

A ]\linifler 
required to 
renounce his 

Chap. VIII. 

Of the BaniJJiment of Mafler IoJin Layford, and Iohn 

Oldam from Plimmoutk? 

M After Layford was at the Merchants chardge fent to 
Plimmouth plantation to be their Paftor : But the 
Brethren, before they would allow of it, would have him 
firft renounce his calling to the office of the Minifiery, re- 
ceived in England, as hereticall and Papifticall, (fo hee con- 
fen 1 ,) and then to receive a new callinge from them, 
119 after their fantafticall invention : 3 * which hee refufed, 
alledsins: and maintaining that his calling as it flood 


1 A hillock is a fmall anchor. The 
phrafe in the text means that the wind 
caufeel the boat to drag her anchor, and 
the went afliore and was Hove in. 

2 Theepifode of Lyford and Oldham, 
in the hiftory of the Plymouth planta- 


tion, is told in detail by Bradford. The 
account in the text differs from Brad- 
ford's account only in that it is the 
other fide of the ftory. (See Bradford, 
pp. 172-88.) 

3 See infra, 324, note. Though Ly- 

New Englifli Canaait. 263 

was lawfull, and that hee would not renounce it ; and fo 
Iohn Oldam, his opinion was one the affirmative ; and both 
together did maintaine the Church of England to be a true 
Church, although in fome particulars, (they faid,) defective ; 
concludinge fo againft the Tenents there : and by this 
meanes cancelled theire good opinion amonft the number 
of the Seperatifts, that ftay they muft not, left they fhould 
be fpies : and to fall fowle on this occation the Brethren 
thought it would betray their caufe, and make it fall under 
cenfure, therefore againft Mafter Layford they had found 
out fome fcandall to be laid on his former corfe of life, to 
blemifh that ; and fo, to conclude, hee was a fpotted beaft, 
and not to be allowed where they ordained to have the Paff- 
over kept fo zealoufly : as for Iohn Oldam, they could fee 
hee would be paffionate and moody, and proove himfelfe a 
mad lack in his mood, and as foone mooved to be moody, 
and this impatience would Minifter advantage to them to be 
ridd of him. 

Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in 
awe more by the patience of that one enemy, then by the impatience 
refolution of the whole army : A well tempered enemy is a c °£p£. 
terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him to come to 
their needeles watch howfe in perfon, and for refufinge 
give him a cracked Crovvne for preffe money, and make the New pum- 
blood run downe about his eares ; a poore trick, yet a good ZTiLy!" 
vaile, though Lufcus may fee thorough it ; and, for his fur- 

ford frequently exercifed in the Ply- fays he made " a large confeffion," fay- 
mouth church, as an elfewhere ordained ing, anions: other things, "that he held 
brother, he was never inftalled as its not himfelf a minifter till he had a new 
paftor. When admitted to it, Bradford calling." (Bradford, pp. 181, 185, 1S8.) 

264 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

* 120 ther behaviour in the Cafe, proceed to fentence * him 

with banifhment, which was performed after a folemne 

The Soiem- invention in this manner: A lane of Mufketiers was made, 

"nijiunent. and hee compelled in fcorne to paffe along betweene, and to 

receave a bob upon the bumme be every mufketier; and 

then a board a fhallop, and fo convayed to Weffagufcus 

fhoare, and ftaid at MalfachufTets : to whome Iohn Layford 

and fome few more did refort ; where Mafter Layford freely 

executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet 

maintained his wife and children foure or five upon his induf- 

try there, with the bleffing of God and the plenty of the 

Land, without the helpe of his auditory, in an honeft and 

laudable manner ; till hee was wearied and made to leave 

the Country. 1 

Chap. IX. 

Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New 


CHildren, and the fruit of the Wombe, are faid in holy 
writt to be an inheritance that commeth of the Lord ; 
then they muft be coupled in Gods name firft, and not as 

this, and fome other, have done. 


1 Supra, 24. feveri teenth-century flavor of coarfenefs 

2 This chapter and Chapter XIII. - which occurred in the fettlement of 
(pp. 273-6) relate to the fame matter. Bofton Bay. Apparently, judging by the 
It is impoffible to venture a furmife expreffions, " this goodly creature of in- 
even as to their meaning. It would continency" {Infra, *i2o/), "that had 
feem clear that thev have no hiftori- tried a camp royal in other parts " (*i2i), 
cal value, but relate rather to fome fome Englifh proftitute found her way 
humorous incident — having the full out to Mount Wollafton, in company 


New Rnglifli Canaan. 265 

They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant; and happy, Agreathap- 
faith David, is the man that hath his quiver full of them ; P bypropZga- 
and by that rule, happy is that Land, and bleffed to, that is twn ' 
apt and fit for increafe of children. 

I have mewed you before, in the fecond part of the dif- 
courfe, how apt it is for the increafe of Minerals, Vegeta- 
bles, and fenfible Creatures. 

Now I will mew you how apt New Canaan is like- 
* wife for the increafe of the reafonable Creatures ; * 1 2 1 
Children, of all riches, being the principall : and I 
give you this for an inftance. 

This Country of New Canaan in feaven yeares time could 
fhow more Children livinge, that have beene borne there, 
then in 27. yeares could be fliewen in Virginea; 1 yet here 
are but a handful of weomen landed, to that of Virginea. 

The Country doth afford fuch plenty of Lobfters and More cm- 

other delicate fhellfifh, and Venus is faid to be borne of the Canaan h™. 

Sea ; or elfe it was fome fallet herbe proper to the Climate, ^TXr^S 

or the fountaine at Weenafeemute 2 made her become teem- *• 27> 

ing here that had tried a campe royall in other partes where 

fliee had been ; and yet never the neere, till fhee came in 

to New Canaan. 01 


with one of the adventurers there, and 1 It does not need to be faid that this 

fubfequently went on to Virginia. She is one of Morton's prepofterous ftate- 

may have come with Wollafton, and ments. As the fettlement of Virginia 

been left in Bofton Bay when her com- dated from 1607, the twenty-feven years 

panion went to Virginia, and then fol- he fpeaks of was equivalent to faying, 

lowed him, giving birth to a child on "up to the time at which he was writ- 

the way. This would explain the allu- ing," viz. 1634. Virginia was then not 

fion to Phyllis and Dernophoon fubfe- only a much older fettlement, but it had 

quently made (p. *i2(j). It is, however, a population largely in excefs of that of 

a mere furmife on a fubjecl not worth New England, 

puzzling over. 2 Supra, 229, note 3. 


New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

neare Bnf- 
fards bay. 

Dead and 

Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Buf- 
fardes bay, to weft of Cape Cod, where fhee had a Sonne 
borne, but died without baptifme and was buried ; and 
being a thinge remarkable, had this Epitaph followinge made 
of purpofe to memorize the worth of the perfons. 


Time, that bringes all thi7iges to lights 
Doth hide this thinge out ofjight: 
Yet fame hath left behinde aflory, 
A hopeful I race tofiew the glory : 
For underneath this heape offlones 
Licth a per cell of f ma 11 bones ; 
What hope at lajl can fuch impes have. 
That from the wombe goes to the grave. 

one guift. 

* 122 

*Chap. X. 1 

Of a man indued with many f]?etiall gttifts fent over to be 
Mafler of the Ceremonies. 

THis was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for 
his zeale and guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the pub- 
like Chardge conveyed to New England, I thinke to be 
Mafler of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, and the 
Planters : for hee applied himfelfe cheifly to pen the lan- 
guage downe in Stenography : But there for want of ufe, 
which hee rightly underftood not, all was loffe of labor; 


1 This chapter and Chapter XII. 
are, hiftorically fpeaking. as inexplicable 
as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is 

nothing in any of the contemporaneous 
records to indicate who is referred to 
under the pfeudonym of Bubble. 

New Englifh Canaan. 267 

fomethinge it was when next it came to view, but what hee 
could not tell. 

This man, Mafter Bubble, was in the time of Iohn Old- 
ams abfence made the howfe Chaplaine there, and every 
night hee made ufe of his guifts, whofe oratory luld his audi- Oratory an- 
tory faft a fleepe, as Mercuries pipes did Argus eies : for, ° 
when hee was in, they fayd hee could not tell how to get 
out ; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his 
zeale was fuch : (one fire they fay drives out another) : hee 
would become a great Merchant, and by any thinge that a great Mer- 
was to be fold fo as hee might have day and be trufled never C J^. a 
fo litle time : the price it feemed hee flood not much upon, 
but the day : for to his freind hee fhewed commodities, fo 
priced as caufed him to blame the buyer, till the man this 
Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day, 
* and did rejoyce in the bargaine, infiflinge on the * 123 
day ; the day, yea, marry, quoth his friend, if you 
have doomefday for payment you are then well to paffe. 
But if he had not, it were as good hee had ; they were payed 
all alike. 

And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. His day 
Hee obtained howfe roome at Paffonageffit and remooved ITonpr™" 
thether, becaufe it flood convenient for the Beaver trade : uere ' 
and the rather becaufe the owner of Paffonageffit had no 
Corne left, and this man feemed a bigg boned man, and 
therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have flore of 
corne ; but, contrary wife, hee had none at all, and hoped 
upon this freind his hoft : thithere were brought the tro- Trophies of 
phies of this Mafter Bubbles honor, his water tankard and 
his Porters bafket, but no provifion ; fo that one gunne did 



268 New Englifli Canaan, 

ferve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for 
fowle was almoft paft. 
His long This man and his hoft at dinner, Bubble begins to fay 

%Tm7at ' grace ; yea, and a long one to, till all the meate was cold ; 
hee would not give his hoft leave to fay grace : belike, hee 
thought mine hoft paft grace, and further learned as many 
other Sch oilers are : but in the ufage and cuflome of this 
blinde oratory his hoft tooke himfelfe abufed, and the whiles 
fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would 
open his eies to fee what flood afore him, which made him 
more cautius, and learned that brevis oratio penetrat Cerium. 
Together Bubbles and hee goes in the Canaw to Nut Ifland 1 
for brants, and there his hoft makes a fhotte and 
* 1 24 breakes the winges of many : Bubble,* in haft and 
fingle handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage : his 
hoft cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares ; 
and, before this could be performed, the fowle had time to 
fwimme to other flockes, and fo to efcape : the beft part of 
the pray being loft mayd his hoft to mutter at him, and fo to 
parte for that time difcontended. 

C HA P . XI. 

Of a Compofition made by the Sachem for a Theft com- 
mitted by fome of his men,fJicwingc their honefl meaninge. 

THe owner of Paffonageffit, to have the benefit of com- 
pany, left his habitation in the Winter and repofed at 
Weffagufcus, (to his coft): meane time, in the Depth of 


1 One of the fmalleft of the iflands in or fo away, and between it and Pettuck's 
Bofton Bay, ftill called by the fame name. Ifland. (See ShurtlefF s Defcription of 
It lies off Mount Wollafton, and a mile Bojlon, p. 360.) 

New Englifli Canaan. 269 

Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accuftomed to buy foode, The salvages 
came to the howfe, (for that intent perhaps,) and peepinge ^J e % % ake 
in all the windowes, (then unglafed,) efpied corne, but no the Corne - 
body to fell the fame; and having company and helpe at 
hand did make a fhift to get into the howfe, and, take out 
corne to ferve but for the prefent, left enough behinde : the 
Sachem having knowledge of the facie, and being advertifed 
likewife of the difpleafure that had ben conceaved by the 
Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Meffenger, the 
Salvage that had lived in England, and fends him with 
commiffion for the trefpaffe of his men, who had 
tenne fkinnes perpofed * for it to bee payd by a day # 125 
certaine : The Sachem, at the time appointed, bringes 
the Beaver to Weffagufcus where the owner lived, but juft 
then was gone abroade: meane time the fkinnes were by the 
Weffagufcus men gelded, and the better halfe by them jug- 
gled away before the owner came ; and hee by the Actors per- Adijiioneji 
fwaded to bee contended with the reft who not fo pleafed 
did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, and fo 
to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne fkinnes more by 
a new day afigned, and then to bringe them to Paffonageffit ; 
but the Weffagufcus men went the day before to the Salv- 
ages with this fayinge, that they were fent to call upon him 
there for payement ; and received tenne fkinnes, and tooke 
a Salvage there to juftifie that at their howfe the owner 
ftayed the while ; hee verified this, becaufe hee faw the man 
before at Weffagufcus : the Sachem did beleive the tale, 
and at that time delivered up tenne fkinnes on that behalfe, 
in full difchardge of all demandes againft the trefpaffe and 
the trefpaffers, to them ; who confented to him, and them, to 


270 . New Englifh Canaan. 

a con/eta- the owner, and kept nine 1 to themfelves, and made the 

The Heathen Salvage take the tenth, and give the owner all that yet was 

'th'n J tke' to bee had, themfelves confeffinge their demaunds for him, 

chrijiians. anc j ^j. triere was b ut nely one as y e t prepared : fo that 

by this you may eafily perceive the uncivilized peo- 
ple are more juft than the civili- 

*i26 *Chap. XII. 

Of a voyadge made by the M after of the Ceremonies of Nezu 
Canaan to Neepenett, frojn whence hee came away ; and of 
the manifold dangers hee efcaped. 


l His woorthy member Matter Bubble, a new Matter of 

the Ceremonies, having a conceipt in his head that 

hee had hatched a new device for the purchafe of Beaver, 

beyond Imagination, packes up a facke full of odde imple- 

Two Sal- ments, and without any company but a couple of Indians for 

SS lohn, guides, (and therefore you may, if you pleafe, beeleive they 

t ahn^ e . penett are f° dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,) 

hee betakes him to his progreffe into the Inlande for Beaver, 

with his carriadge on his fhoulders like Milo : his guides and 

hee in proceffe of time come to the place appointed, which 

was about Neepenett, 2 thereabouts being more Beavers to be 

had then this Milo could carry, and both his journey men : 

glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to pleaf- 


1 [view] Sezfupra, in, note 1. 2 Nipnet, or Worcefter County; fee 

fupra, 240, note. 

New. Knglifli Canaan. 2 7 1 

ure him : there the Salvages ftay : night came on, but, before 
they were inclined to fleepe, this good man Mafter Bubble 
had an evation crept into his head, by mifapplying the Salv- 
ages actions, that hee muft needs be gone in all haft, yea and 
without his errand : hee purpofed to doe it fo cun- 
ningely that his flight fhould not *be fufpecled : hee * 127 
leaves his fhooes in the howfe, with all his other 
implements, and flies : as hee was on his way, to increafe 
his feare, fuggeftinge himfelfe that hee was preffed 1 by a 
company of Indians and that there fhafts were let fly as thick 
as haile at him, hee puts of his breeches and puts them one 
his head, for to fave him from the fhafts that flew after him 
fo thick that no man could perceave them, and cryinge out, 
avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee ! thus running 
one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully fcratched 
with the brufh of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and 
downe in unknowne wayes : The Salvages in the meane 
time put up all his implements in the fack hee left behinde 
and brought them to Weffagufcus, where they thought to 
have found him ; but, underftanding hee was not returned, 
were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of 
the Englifh was become of this mazed man, the Mafter of 
the Ceremonies ; and were in confutation of the matter. 
One of the Salvages was of opinion the Englifh would fup- 
pofe him to be made away ; fearefull hee was to come in 
fight. The other, better acquainted with the Englifh, (hav- 
ing lived fome time in England, 2 ) was more confident, and 


1 [prefent] Seefufira, in, note i. there is a quite detailed account to be 

2 Squanto is apparently referred to gathered from the early Plymouth rec- 
here. {Supra, 244, note 2.) There is ords — which is fuggeftive of the events 
no incident in Squanto's life — of which defcribed in the text. 


New Rnglifli Canaan. 

They take a 
note of what 
was in the 

Mr. Bubble 
vi lift be 
found agaitie 
or elfe they 
fliall be de- 

A T ot any 
thing dimin- 

hee perfwaded his fellow that the Englifh would be fatisfied 
with relation of the truth, as having had teftimony of his 
fidelity. So they boldly adventured to fhew what they had 
brougt and how the matter flood. The Englifh, (when the 
fack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the partic- 

ulers that were in the fack ; and heard what was by 
* 128 the Salvages related of the accidents: but, when his 

fhoes were fhowne, it was thought hee would not have 
departed without his fhoes ; and therefore they did conceave 
that Matter Bubble was made away by fome unifier praclife 
of the Salvages, who unadvifedly had bin culpable of a crime 
which now they fought to excufe ; and ftraightly chardged 
the Salvages to finde him out againe, and bring him dead, 
or alive, elfe their wifes and children mould be deftroyed. 
The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull perplexity, caufed 
their Countrymen to feeke out for this maz'd man ; who, 
being in fhort time found, was brought to Weffagufcus ; 
where hee made a difcourfe of his travels, and of the perril- 
lous paffages, which did feeme to be no leffe dangerous then 
thefe of that worthy Knight Errant, Don Quixote, 1 and how 
miraculoufly hee had bin preferved ; and, in conclufion, 
lamented the greate loffe of his goods, whereby hee thought 
himfelfe undone. 

The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that 
the Salvages had not diminifhed any part of them ; no, not 
fo much as one bit of bread : the number being knowne, 
and the fragments laid together, it appeared all the bifket 


1 The firft pnrt of Don Quixote was in 161 5. It was firft tranflated into 
publiihed in 1605, and the fecond part Englifh by Thomas Skelton, in 1612-20. 

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 273 

was preferved, and not any diminifhed at all : whereby the 
Mafter of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the whole 
Company made themfelves merry at his difcourfe of all his 
perrillous adventures. 

And by this you may obferve whether the Salvage people 
are not full of humanity, or whether they are a dangerous 
people, as Mafter Bubble and the reft of his tribe would per- 
fwade you. 

*Chap. XIII. *I2 9 

Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell 
into, (after the death of her iiifant, feeing herfelfe defpifed 
of her Sweete hart) whereof fJiee was cured. 

WHether this goodly creature of incontinency went to 
worke upon even termes like Phillis, or noe, it does 
not appeare by any Indenture of covenants then extant; 
whereby fhee might legally challenge the performance of 
any compleate Marriage at his hands that had bin trade- 
ing with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his 
oftis. 1 

Nevertheleffe, (for his future advantage,) fhee indeav- 
oured, (like Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to her- 
felfe ; 

1 The reference here is to the ftory of the nuptials were celebrated, he went to 

Demophoon and Phyllis, told by Ovid Attica to fettle his affairs at home, and 

(Heroides, II.) Demophoon, fon of as he tarried longer than Phyllis had 

Thefeus and Phaedra, accompanied the expected, fhe began to think that fhe 

Greeks to Troy; and on his return, was forgotten, and put an end to her 

Phyllis, the daughter of the Thracian life. She was metamorphofed into a 

king Sithon, fell in love with him, and tree. (See Smith's Dictionary, title 

he confented to marry her. But before Demophoon.) 


New Englifh Canaan. 

Shcc cannot 
one the fo- 
daine refolve 
which dore 
to goe in att. 

felfe ; who, (as it feemes,) did meane nothing leffe by leaving 
her for the next commer, that had any minde to coole his 
courage by that meanes ; the whipping poft, (as it feemes,) 
at that time not being in publike ufe for fuch kinde of Cony 
katchers ; but feeing herfelfe rejected, fhee grew into fuch a 
paffion of Mellancolly, on a fodaine, that it was thought fhee 
would exhibit a petition for redreffe to grim Pluto, who had 
fet her a worke ; and knowing that the howfe of fate has 
many entrances, fhee was puffeld to finde the neereft way. 
Shee could not refolve on a fodaine which doore would 

foonefh bring her to his prefence handfomely. 
* 1 30 * If fhee fhould make way with a knife, fhee thought 

fhee might fpoyle her drinking in after ages ; if by 
poyfon, fhee thought it might prolonge her paffage thether ; 
if by drowning, fhee thought Caron might come the while 
with his boate, and waft her out of fight ; if fhee mould tie 
up her complaint in a halter, fhee thought the Ropmakers 
would take exceptions againft her good fpeede. And in this 
manner fhee debated with herfelfe, and demurred upon the 
matter: So that fhee did appeare willing enough, but a 
woman of fmall refolution. 

Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many 
come to comfort her. One amongft the reft was by hir 
requefted, on her behalfe, to write to her late unkinde De- 
mopheon. The Gentleman, being merrily difpofed, in fleed 
of writing an heroicall Epiftle compofed this Elegi, for a 
memoriall of fome mirth upon the Circumftance of the mat- 
ter, to be fent unto hir, as followeth : 


New Englifh Canaan. 275 


MElpomene, (at whofe mifcheifous love 
The f creech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grovel) 
Commands my pen in an lambick vaine 
To tell a difmall tale, that may conjlraine 
The hart of him to bleede, thatfJiall difcerne 
How much this foule amiffe does him concer7ie. 
Aleclo, (grim Aleclo,) light thy tortch 
To thy beloved Jijler next the porch 

* That leads unto the man/ion howfe of fate, * 131 

Whofe farewell makes herfreind more fortunate. 
A Great Squa Sachem can fJiee poynt to goe 
Before grim Minos ; and yet no man know 
That knives and halters, ponds, and poyfonous things 
Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings 
Such deadly finners to a deepe remorfe 
Of confeience felfe accufing, that will force 
Them to difpaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death 
Stands ready with all thefe toflopp their breath. 
The beare comes by that oft hath bay ted ben 
By many a Satyres whelpe ; unlcjfe you can 
Co7nmaund your eies to drop huge milflones forth, 
In lamentation of this lojje 011 earth 
Of her, of whome fo mtich prayfe wee may finde, 
Goe whenfliee will,f1iee V leave none like behinde ; 
Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven. 

Why then for hell the match is fomewhat even. 


276 New Rnglifli Canaan. 

After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was 
thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy, fhee wil- 
lingly ufed according to the quality thereof. 

And when this Elegy came to be divulged, fhee was fo 
confcious of her crime that fhee put up her pipes, and with 
the next fhipp fhee packt away to Virginea, (her former 
habitation,) quite cured of her mellancolly, with the helpe of 

the water of the fountaine 
at Ma-re Mount. 

* 132 *Chap. XIV. 

Of the Revells of New Canaan} 

THe Inhabitants of Pafonageffit, (having tranflated the 
name of their habitation from that ancient Salvage 
name to Ma-re Mount, 2 and being refolved to have the new 
name confirmed for a memorial to after ages,) did devife 
amongft themfelves to have it performed in a folemne man- 
ner, with Revels and merriment after the old Englifh cuflome ; 
a Maypoie. [they] prepared to fett up a Maypole upon the feftivall day 
of Philip and Iacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excel- 
lent beare and provided a cafe of bottles, to be fpent, with 
other good cheare, for all commers of that day. And becaufe 
they would have it in a compleat forme, they had prepared a 
fong fitting to the time and prefent occafion. And upon 
Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed, 


1 Supra, 17-19. 2 Supra, 14, note 4. 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 277 

with drumes, gunnes, piftols and other fitting inftruments, 
for that purpofe ; and there erected it with the help of Salv- 
ages, that came thether of purpofe to fee the manner of our 
Revels. A goodly pine tree of 80. foote longe was reared 
up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one fomewhat neare 
unto the top of it : where it flood, as a faire fea marke for 
directions how to finde out the way to mine Hofle of Ma-re 

And becaufe it fhould more fully appeare to what end it 
was placed there, they had a poem in readines made, which 
was fixed to the Maypole, to fhew the new name confirmed 
upon that plantation ; which, allthough it were made 
according to the occurrents * of the time, it, being * 133 
Enigmatically compofed.puffelled the Seperatifts moft 
pittifully to expound it, which, (for the better information 
of the reader,) I have here inferted. 


Rife Ocdipeus, and, if thou caii/l, unfould 
What meanes Caribdis underneath the mould, 
When Scilla follitary on the ground 
{Sitting hi forme of Niobe,) was found, 
Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint 
Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint, 
And caufd him fend forth Triton with the found 
Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found 
So full of Protean formes that the boldfJwre 
Prefented Scilla a new parramore 



New Englifh Canaan. 

The man 
who brought 
her over was 
named Sam- 
Jon lob. 

Softronge as Samp foil and fo patient 

As fob himfclfe, directed thus, by fate, 

To comfort Scilla fo unfortunate. 

I doe profejfc, by Cupids beautious mother, 

Heres Scogans choife 1 for Scilla, and none other; 

Though Scilldsfick with grcifc, becaufe no fgne 

Can there be found of vertue mafculine. 

Efculapius come ; I know right well 

His laboure 's lofl when you may ring her Knell. 

The fatall fifters doome none can witlftand, 

Nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land 

With proclamation that the firfl of May 

At Ma-re Mount fiall be kept holly day. 

* 134 The fetting up of this Maypole was a lamentable 

fpeclacle to the precife feperatifts, that lived at new 

The Maypole Plimmouth. They termed it an Idoll ; yea, they called it 

The'ca^/eof 1 the Calfe of Horeb, and flood at defiance with the place, 

Horeb ' naming it Mount Dagon ; threatning to make it a woefull 

mount and not a merry mount. 

The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound ; 
onely they made fome explication of part of it, and fayd it 
was meant by Sampfon lob, the carpenter of the ftiipp that 


1 John Scogan was the famous court been a popular expreffion, Ggnifying 

buffoon, attached to the ho'ufehold of that a choice of fome fort is better 

Edward IV., whofe head Juftice Shal- than no power to choofe at all. It was 

low makes the youthful Falftaff break derived probably from the ftory of Sco- 

at the court gate {Henry IV. Part II. gan, that he was once ordered to be 

act iii. sc. 2), though Falftaff is repre- 
fented as having died at leaft twenty 
years before Scogan could have been 
born. In regard to him, fee Doran's 
Court Fools, pp. 123-30. " Scogan's 
choice," in Morton's day, feems to have 

hanged, but allowed the privilege of 
choofing the tree. He efcaped the pen- 
alty by being unable to find a tree to 
his liking. Morton ufes the expreffion 
again, fee infra, *I37- But the refe- 
rence here is as obfeure as " the poem." 

New Englifh Canaan. 279 

brought over a woman to her huiband, that had bin there 
lonee before and thrived fo well that hee fent for her and her 
children to come to him ; where fhortly after hee died : hav- 
ing no reafon, but becaufe of the found of thofe two words ; 
when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was alto- 
gether unknowne to the Author. 

There was likewife a merry fong made, which, (to make 
their Revells more fafhionable,) was fung with a Corus, every 
man bearing his part; which they performed in a daunce, 
hand in hand about the Maypole, whiles one of the Com- 
pany fung and filled out the good liquor, like gammedes 
and Iupiter. 



DRinke and be merry, merry, merry boycs ; 
Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes ; 
Jo to Hymen, now the day is come, 
About the merry Maypole take a Roome. 

Make greene garlons, bring bottles out 

And fill fweet Neclar freely about. 
* Vncover thy head and feare no harme, * 1 35 

For hers good liquor to kccpe it warme. 
Then drinke and be merry, &c. 
lb to Hymen, &c. 

Neclar is a thing aJJigiHd 

By the Deities owne minde 

To cure the hart opprejl with greife, 

And of good liquors is the cheife. 
Then drinke, &c. 
lb to Hymen, &c. Give 

280 New Engli/Ii Caitaan. 

Give to the Mellancolly man 
A cup or two of V now and than ; 
This phyfick willfoone revive his bloud, 
And make him be of a merrier moode. 

Then drinke, &c. 

lb to Hymen, &c. 

Give to the Nymphe t hats free from fcorne 
No IrifJi fluff nor Scotch over worne. 
Laffes in beaver coats come away, 
YcefJiall be welcome to us night and day. 

To drinke and be merry &c. 

Jo to Hymen, &c. 

This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in 
hope to have wifes brought over to them, that would fave 
them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over,) was 
much diftafted of the precife Seperatifts, that keepe much 
a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, troubling their 
braines more then reafon would require about things that 
are indifferent : and from that time fought occafion 
* 136 againft my* honeft Holt of Ma-re Mount, to over- 
throw his ondertakings and to deftroy his plantation 
quite and cleane. But becaufe they prefumed with their 
imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box, 1 ) they 
could expound hidden mifteries, to convince them of blind- 
nes, as well in this as in other matters of more confequence, 
I will illuftrate the poem, according to the true intent of the 
authors of thefe Revells, fo much diftafted by thofe Moles. 

Oedipus is generally receaved for the abfolute reader of 
riddles, who is invoaked : Silla and Caribdis are two danger- 

1 Infra, 348, note. ous 

New Englifli Canaan. 281 

ous places for feamen to incounter, neere unto Venn ice ; 
and have bin by poets formerly refembled to man and wife. 
The like licence the author challenged for a paire of his 
nomination, the one lamenting for the loffe of the other as 
Niobe for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea, 
by which the newes was carried up and downe of a rich 
widow, now to be tane up or laid downe. By Triton is the 
fame fpread that caufed the Suters to mufter, (as it had bin 
to Penellope of Greece ;) and, the Coafl lying circuler, all 
our paffage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea 
then Land. Many aimed at this marke ; but hee that played 
Proteus belt and could comply with her humor mufl be the 
man that would carry her ; and hee had need have Samp- 
fons flrenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much patience 
as lob that mould come there, for a thing that I did ob- 
ferve in the life-time of the former. 

But marriage and hanging, (they fay,) comes by defteny 
and Scogans choife 1 tis better [than] none at all. 
Hee that * playd Proteus, (with the helpe of Pria- * 137 
pus,) put their nofes out of joynt, as the Proverbe is. 

And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re 
Mount knew to be the true fence and expofition of the 
riddle that was fixed to the Maypole, which the Seperatifts 
were at defiance with. Some of them affirmed that the firft. 
inftitution thereof was in memory of a whore ; 2 not knowing 
that it was a Trophe erected at firft in honor of Maja, the 
Lady of learning which they defpife, vilifying the two 


1 Supra, 278, note I. 2 "Ye Roman Goddes Flora." (Brad- 

ford, p. 237.) 

282 New Englifh Canaan, 

univerfities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there 
obtained by ftuddy is but unneceffary learning ; not confid- 
ering that learninge does inable mens mindes to converfe 
with eliments of a higher nature then is to be found within 
the habitation of the Mole. 

Chap. XV. 

Of a great Monfter fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount ; and 
the preparation made to dejlroy it} 

THe Seperatifts, envying the profperity and hope of the 
Plantation at Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved 
beganne to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine 
in the Beaver trade,) confpired together againft mine Hoft 
elpecially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) and made 
up a party againft him; and muftred up what aide they 

could, accounting of him as of a great Monfter. 
* 138 * Many threatening fpeeches were given out both 

againft his perfon and his Habitation, which they 
divulged fhould be confumed with fire : And taking advan- 
tage of the time when his company, (which feemed little to 
regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade 
with the Salvages for Beaver, they fet upon my honeft hoft 
at a place called Wefiagufcus, where, by accident, they found 
him. The inhabitants there were in good hope of the fub- 
vertion of the plantation at Mare Mount, (which they prin- 
cipally aymed at ; ) and the rather becaufe mine hoft was a 


1 In regard to the arreft of Morton by Standifh, in June, 1628, teefupra, 27-9. 

New Englifli Canaan. 283 

man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church 
of England ; which they, (on the contrary part,) would 
laboure to vilifie with uncivile termes : enveying againft the 
facred booke of common prayer, and mine hoft that ufed it 
in a laudable manner amongft his family, as a praclife of 

There hee would be a meanes to bringe facks to their mill, 
(fuch is the thirft after Beaver,) and helped the confpiratores 
to furprife mine hofl, (who was there all alone;) and they 
chardged him, (becaufe they would feeme to have fome rea- 
fonable caufe againft him to fett a gloffe upon their mallice,) 
with criminall things ; which indeede had beene done by fuch 
a perfon, but was of their confpiracy ; mine hofl demaunded 
of the confpirators who it was that was author of that infor- 
mation, that feemed to be their ground for what they now 
intended. And becaufe they anfwered they would not tell 
him, hee as peremptorily replyed, that hee would not fay 
whether he had, or he had not done as they had bin 

* The anfwere made no matter, (as it feemed,) * 139 
whether it had bin negatively or affirmatively made ; 
for they had refolved what hee mould fuffer, becaufe, (as they 
boafted,) they were now become the greater number : they 
had fhaked of their fhackles of fervitude, and were become 
Mailers, and mailerles people. 

It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time, 
when mine hofls plantation was of as much ftrength as theirs, 
but now, (theirs being ftronger,) they, (like overgrowne 
beares,) feemed monfterous. In breife, mine hoft muft indure 
to be their prifoner untill they could contrive it fo that they 


284 New Englifh Canaan. 

might fend him for England, (as they faid,) there to fuffer 
according to the merrit of the fact which they intended to 
father upon him ; fuppofing, (belike,) it would proove a hai- 
nous crime. 

Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cap- 
pitall enemy, (as they concluded him ; ) whome they purpofed 
to hamper in fuch fort that hee mould not be able to uphold 
his plantation at Ma-re Mount. 

The Confpirators fported themfelves at my honeft hoft, 
that meant them no hurt, and were fo joccund that they feafted 
their bodies, and fell to tippeling as if they had obtained a 
great prize ; like the Trojans when they had the cuftody of 
Hippeus pinetree horfe. 

Mine hoft fained greefe, and could not be perfwaded 
either to eate or drinke ; becaufe hee knew emptines would 
be a meanes to make him as watchfull as the Geefe kept in 
the Roman Cappitall : whereon, the contrary part, the con- 
fpirators would be fo drowfy that hee might have an 
* 140 opportunity to give them a * flip, infteade of a teller. 
Six perfons of the confpiracy were fet to watch him 
Mine Hoji at Weffagufcus : But hee kept waking ; and in the dead of 
g pri/on night, (one lying on the bed for further fuerty,) up gets 
mine Hoft and got to the fecond dore that hee was to paffe, 
which, notwithstanding the lock, hee got open, and fliut it 
after him with fuch violence that it affrighted fome of the 

The word, which was given with an alarme, was, 6 he 's 
gon, he 's gon, what fhall wee doe, he 's gon ! The refl, (halfe 
a fleepe,) ftart up in a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads 
one at another full butt in the darke. 


New Englifh Canaan. 285 

Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on moft furi- The Captain 
oufly and tore his clothes for anger, to fee the empty neft, clothes. 
and their bird gone. 

The reft were eager to have torne theire haire from theire 
heads ; but it was fo fhort that it would give them no hold. 
Now Captaine Shrimp thought in the loffe of this prize, 
(which hee accoumpted his Mailer peece,) all his honor 
would be loft for ever. 

In the meane time mine Hofl was got home to Ma-re Mineko/i 
Mount through the woods, eight miles round about the head Ma-rc'mount. 
of the river Monatoquit that parted the two Plantations, 
finding his way by the helpe of the lightening, (for it thun- 
dred as hee went terribly ; ) and there hee prepared pow- 
ther, three pounds dried, for his prefent imployement, and 
foure good gunnes for him and the two affirmants left at his Hee provides 
howfe, with bullets of feverall fizes, three hounderd or there- Zs. ume ' 
abouts, to be ufed if the confpirators fhould purfue 
* him thether: and thefe two perfons promifed theire * 141 
aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that promife with 
health in good rofa folis. 

Now Captaine Shrimp, the firft Captaine in the Land, (as 
hee fuppofed,) muffc doe fome new act to repaire this loffe, 
and, to vindicate his reputation, who had fuftained blemifh 
by this overfight, begins now to ftudy, how to repaire or fur- 
vive his honor : in this manner, callinge of Councell, they 

Hee takes eight perfons more to him, and, (like the nine 
Worthies of New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation 
againft Ma-re-Mount, where this Monfter of a man, as theire 
phrafe was, had his denne ; the whole number, had the reft 


286 New Englifh Canaa7t. 

not bin from home, being but feaven, would have given Cap- 
taine Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) fuch a wellcome as 
would have made him wifh for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes 
tubb, that hee might have crept into it out of fight. 

Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Hoft 
prepared : having intelligence by a Salvage, that haflened in 
love from Weffagufcus to give him notice of their intent. 

One of mine Hofts men prooved a craven : the other had 
prooved his wits to purchafe a little valoure, before mine 
Hoft had obferved his pofture. 

* 142 * The nine worthies comming before the Denne of 

this fuppofed Monfter, (this feaven headed hydra, as 

they termed him,) and began, like Don Quixote againft the 

a Parly. Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer quarter, if mine Hoft 

would yeald ; for they refolved to fend him for England ; 

and bad him lay by his armes. 

But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken 
up armes in his juft defence, replyed that hee would not lay 
by thofe armes, becaufe they were fo needefull at Sea, if hee 
mould be fent over. Yet, to fave the effufion of fo much 
worty bloud, as would haue iffued out of the vaynes of thefe 
9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Hoft fhould have played 
upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within dan- 
ger like a flocke of wild geefe, as if they had bin tayled one 
to another, as coults to be fold at a faier,) mine Hoft was 
content to yeelde upon quarter ; and did capitulate with 
them in what manner it fhould be for more certainety, 
Captaine becaufe hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe was. 

Shrimpe pro- L m ' 

mifeth that Hee expreffed that no violence fhould be offered to his 

no Violence . . 1 r 1 • t t /~ 1 i -i i 

fliouidbee pcrfon, none to his goods, nor any of his Howfehold : but 

offered to his , 

pcrfon. that 

New Englifh Canaan, 287 

that hee mould have his armes, and what els was requifit 
for the voyage : which theire Herald retornes, it was agreed 
upon, and fhould be performed. 

But mine Hoft no fooner had fet open the dore, and iffued 
out, but inftantly Captaine Shrimpe and the reft of the wor- 
ties ftepped to him, layd hold of his armes, and had 
him downe : and fo eagerly was every *man bent * 143 
againft him, (not regarding any agreement made with 
fuch a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would 
have eaten him : fome of them were fo violent that they 
would have a flice with fc.abbert, and all for hafte ; untill The Worthies 
an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, as the Proverbe is,) that ™hdruJwor- 
was there by accident, clapt his gunne under the weap- th yP raai f e '- 
ons, and fharply rebuked thefe worthies for their unworthy 
pra6lifes. So the matter was taken into more deliberate 

Captaine Shrimpe, and the reft of the nine worthies, 
made themfelves, (by this outragious riot,) Matters of mine 
Hofte of Ma-re Mount, and difpofed of what hee had at his 

This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add 
to their glory, and diminifh the reputation of mine honeft 
Hoft ; whome they practifed to be ridd of upon any termes, 
as willingly as if hee had bin the very Hidra of the time. 

Chapter XVI. 

288 New Englifli Canaan. 

Chap. XVI. 

How the 9. worthies put mine Hoji of Ma-re-Mount into 
the inchaunted Caftle at Plimniouth, and terrified him 
with tlie Monfier Briareus. 

THe nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law 
in their owne hands, (there being no generall 
* 144 * Governour in the Land ; nor none of the Sepera- 
tion that regarded the duety they owe their Sover- 
aigne, whofe naturall borne Subjects they were, though 
tranflated out of Holland, from whence they had learned to 
worke all to their owne ends, and make a great fhewe of Re- 
ligion, but no humanity,) for they were now to fit in Counfell 
on the caufe. 

And much it flood mine honeft Hoft upon to be very cir- 
cumfpect, and to take Eacus 1 to tafke ; for that his voyce was 
more allowed of then both the other : and had not mine 
Hoft confounded all the arguments that Eacus could make 
in their defence, and confuted him that fwaied the reft, they 
would have made him unable to drinke in fuch manner of 
merriment any more. So that following this private coun- 
fell, given him by one that knew who ruled the roft, the 
Hiracano ceafed that els would fplit his pinace. 

A conclufion was made and fentence given that mine 
Hoft fhould be fent to England a prifoner. But when hee 
was brought to the fhipps for that purpofe, no man durft 


1 See infra, 291, note. 

New Rnglifli Canaan. 289 

be fo foole hardy as to undertake carry him. 1 So thefe 
Worthies fet mine Hoft upon an Ifland, without gunne, Mine hoji 
powther, or fhot or dogge or fo much as a knife to get any iji^nTwHk- 
thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to fhelter him Tjl'/^/o"^ 
with at winter then a thinne fuite which hee had one at that htm f el f e - 
time. Home hee could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this 
Ifland hee ftayed a moneth at lead, and was releeved by 
Salvages that tooke notice that mine Hoft was a Sachem of 
Paffonageffit, and would bringe bottles of ftrong liquor 
to him, and unite themfelves * into a league of brother * 145 
hood with mine Hoft ; fo full of humanity are thefe 
infidels before thofe Chriftians. 

From this place for England failed mine Hoft in a Plim- 
mouth fhipp, (that came into the Land to fifli upon the 
Coaft,) that landed him fafe in England at Plimmouth : and 
hee ftayed in England untill the ordinary time for fhipping 
to fet forth for thefe parts, and then retorned: 2 Noe man 
being able to taxe him of any thinge. 

But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had 
bin ridd of him. 

Chapter XVII. 

1 Morton here confounds his experi- (Bradford, p. 232.) Allerton returned 

ence in Bofton, two years later, with that to London in the courfe of the fucceed- 

at Plymouth in 162S. In 1630 the maf- ing hammer or autumn, but it is not 

ter of the ^///refufed to carry him back probable then any veffel left Plymouth 

to England. {Supra, 44.) In the fpring in June, 1628, bound for England. (Su- 

of 1628, however, no veffel feems to have pra, 29.) 

arrived at Plymouth from England, as " 2 It was not until towards the clofe of 

Allerton then brought over an affort- the fummer of the next year that Morton 

ment of goods, and came in a nfhing- returned to Maffachufetts, in company 

veffel by way of the Maine nations, with Allerton. {Supra, 36-7.) 

290 New Englifli Canaan. 

Chap. XVII. 

Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New 

THe Seperatifts were not fo contended, (when mine 
Hoft of Ma-re- Mount was gone,) but they were as much 
difcontended when hee was retorned againe : and the rather 
becaufe theire paffages about him, and the bufineffe, were fo 
much derided and in fonges exemplified : which, (for better 
fatisfaclion of fuch as are in that kinde affected,) I have fet 
forth, as it was then in ufe by the name of the Baccanall 
Trizimphe, as followeth : 

* 146 *THE POEM. 1 

MajierBcn: T fing tit adventures of nine worthy wights, 

-■- And pit 'ty V is I cannot call them Knights, 

Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able 

To be inflalled of Prince Art/mres table ; 

Yet all of them were Squires of low degree, 

As did appeare by rules of heraldry. 


1 Morton implies above that the Exactly what this fignifies it is impofli- 
"Poem" which follows was written ble now to fay. Some critics that I 
fhortly after the events to which it re- have confulted are inclined to think 
lates occurred, and before his return to that Jonfon, who was then about fifty- 
New England in 1629. It was then, it five years old and at the height of his 
feems, "in ufe" in London. The name fame, may have written all the verfes. 
of Ben Jonfon appears in the margin of Others fugged that Morton, by putting 
the original edition, as of this reprint, the name in the margin, meant to imply 
and oppofite the firft two lines, as above, that Jonfon wrote them all, and that 



New Englifli Canaan. 


The Magi tould of a prodigeous birth 

That JJiortly JJwuld be found upon the earth, 

By Archimedes art, which they mif confer 

Vnto their Land would proove a hiddeous monfler ; 

Seaven heades it had, and twice fo many feete, 

Arguing the body to be wondrous greate, 


this was another of the unfcrupulous 
tricks of the author of the New Canaan. 
Neither explanation commends itielf to 
my judgment. The firft five verlified 
lines are a paraphrafe of five lines at 
the beginning of one of Jonfon's pro- 
ductions, for a poem it is not. In his 
publiihed works (Gifford's ed. [1816], 
vol. viii. p. 241) they appear as follows : — 

" I fing the brave adventure of two wights, 
And pity 'tis, I cannot call them knights : 
One was ; and he for brawn and brain right 

To have been ftyled of king Arthur's table. 
The other was a fquire, of fair degree." 

With the laft of the foregoing lines the 
paraphrafe flops, and the reft of the 
verfes in the New Canaan are, it muft 
in juftice be faid, not only more cleanly, 
but in other refpecbs fuperior to thofe 
to be found in Jonfon's works. Indeed, 
where the latter are not unintelligible, 
they are almoft unequalled for the nafti- 
nefs in which the writer feems to revel. 
Gifford not too ftrongly remarks of them, 
" I diflike the fubject." Morton, it ap- 
pears to me, abandoning, at the fixth 
line, the paraphrafe with which he began, 
went on with a production of his own, but 
very properly put Jonfon's name oppofite 
the lines he borrowed from him. The 
remainder is in his own ftyle, and not 
inferior to the mafs of the contempo- 
rary verfe. He himfelf explains it. The 
" nine worthy wights " are Standifh and 
his party, who were fent to arreft him. 
The " prodigeous birth,'' was the eftab- 

lifhment of the Mount Wollafton planta- 
tion. The " feven heads " were the 
feven perfons compofing the company at 
Mount Wollafton at the time of the ar- 
reft. The " forked tail " was the May- 
pole, with its antlered top. The fear that 
the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour 
" all their beft flocks " refers to the ap- 
prehended competition in the fur trade. 
The "Soil in Cancer" indicates the 
feafon ; the " thundering Jove " the 
ftorm, in which Morton made his efcape 
from his captors at Weffaguftet. The 
arreft at Mount Wollafton is paffed over 
very lightly. Then follows the difcuf- 
fion among the magiftrates at Plymouth, 
as to the difpofition to be made of the 
prifoner. Standifh would feem to be de- 
signated under the name of Minos. He 
recommends death. Eacus is more dif- 
ficult to identify. In the preceding 
chapter {Supra, 288), Morton fpeaks of 
him as being the one whofe " voice was 
more allowed of then both the others." 
My fuppofition is that, by Eacus, Mor- 
ton meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then 
apparently (Bradford, pp. 264, note, 306, 
note) flood, next to Standifh, at the head 
of the affiftants. Morton fays that he 
"confounded all the arguments that 
Eacus could make; " and he afterwards, 
in the New Canaan, refers to Fuller 
with peculiar bitternefs. {Infra, 298.) 
"Sterne Radamant" is clearly Brad- 
ford, "the cheif Elder." The remainder 
of the poem calls for no explanation ; 
and the whole of it is much lefs unin- 
telligible than is ufual with Morton. 

292 New Englifli Canaan. 

Be/ides a forked taile heavd up on highe 

As if it threaten d battett to thefkie. 

The Rtimor of this fearef nil prodigy 

Did caufe tJi effeminate multitude to cry 

For want of great Alcides aide, and flood 

Like People that have feene M edit fas head. 

Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone, 

And great the fear e conceaved by every one 

Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre, 

Doubting in time this Monfler would devoure 

All their bcfl flocks, whofe dainty wo lie conforts 

Itfelfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts. 

Not Iafon nor the adventerous youths of Greece 

Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece. 

In Emulation of the Gretian force 

Thefe Worthies nineprepard a woodden hoife, 

* 147 * And, prick 'd with pride of like fucceffe, divife 

How they may purchafe glory by this prize ; 

And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall, 

It will remaine a plat forme unto all 

Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme, 

Per fas aut nefas, they V erefl a throne. 

Cloiibs are turnd trumps : fo now the lott is cafl: 

With fire and f word to Hidras den they Jiafle, 

Mars in tli affendant, Soil in Cancer now, 

And Lerna Lake to Pluto s court mufl bow. 

What though they [be~] rebu/cd by thundring love, 

Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove 

Their mindes from making this a difmall day. 

Thefe nine will now be aclors in this play, 


New Englijli Canaan. 293 

And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon 

Before their zvitles Combination : 

But his undaunted fpir it, nurfd with meate 

Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate, 

Scorn" d their bafe accons ; for with Cecrops charme 

Hee knew he could defend himfelfe from harme 

Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand, 

Princes of Limbo ; who mtifl out of hand 

Confult bout Hidra, what mufl now be done : 

Who, having fate in Counfcll, one by one 

Retorne this anfwere to the Stiggcan feinds ; 

And firfl grim Minos f pake : mofl loving freinds, 

Hidra prognoflicks mine to ourflate 

And that our Kingdome will grow defolate ; 

But if one head from thence be lane away 

The Body and the members will decay. 

* To take in hand, quoth x Eacus, this tafke, * 148 

Is fuck as karebraind Phaeton did afke 

Of Phebus, to begird tke world about ; 

Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout ; 

Prefumptious fooles leame wit at too much cojl, 

For life and labotcre both at once hee lofl. 

Sterne Radamantus, being lafl to fpeake, 

Made a great hum and thus didfilence breake : 

What if, with ratli7tg chaines or Iron bands, 

Hidra be bound either by feete or hands, 

And after, being laflid with fmarting rodds, 

Hee be conveyd by Stix zcnlo the godds 


1 [what] Seefuflra, in, note 1. 

294 New Englifli Canaan. 

To be accufed on the ripper ground 
Of Lefcs Majeftatis, this crime found 
T" will be tmpoffible front thence, I trow e, 
Hidra fJiall come to trouble us below e. 
This fentence pleafd the friends exceedingly, 
That up they toft their bonnets, and did cry, 
Long live our Court in great profperity. 
The Seffwns ended, fome did flraight devife 
Court Revells, antiques arid a zuorld ofj'oyes, 
Brave Chriflmas gambols : 1 there was open hall 
Kept to the full, and f port, the Divell and all : 
Laboure 's defpifed, the loonies are laid away, 
And this proclaim d the Stigean Holliday. 
In came grim Mino, with his motly beard, 
And brought a diflillation well prcpard ; 
And Eacus, who is as fuer as text, 
Came in with his preparatives the next ; 
Then Radamantus, lafl and principall, 
Fcafled the Worthies in his fumptuous hall. 
* 1 49 * There Charon Cerberous and the rout of fcinds 

Had lap enough : and fo their paflims ends. 


NOw to illuftrate this Poem, and make the fence more 
plaine, it is to be confidered that the Perfons at 
Ma-re-Mount were feaven, and they had feaven heads and 


1 "Brave Chriftmas gambols " were, in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford, 
it may be remarked, not greatly in vogue p. 112.) 

New Englifli Canaan. 295 

14. feete ; thefe were accounted Hidra with the feaven heads : 
and the Maypole, with the Homes nailed neere the topp, 
was the forked tayle of this fuppofed Monfter, which they 
(for want of fkill) impofed : yet feared in time, (if they hun- 
dred not mine Hoft), hee would hinder the benefit of their 
Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes of this helpe,) in 
Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares ; who, com- 
ming too late, were much difmaide to finde that mine Hoft 
his boate had gleaned away all before they came ; which 
Beaver is a fitt companion for Scarlett : and I beleeve that 
Iafons golden Fleece was either the fame, or fome other 
Fleece not of fo much value. 

This action bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plim- 
mouth Planters, who after fought occafion againft mine 
Hoft to overthrowe his undertakings and to deftroy his 
Plantation ; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to 
theire Church and State. 

* Now when they had begunne with him, they # 1 50 
thought beft to proceede : forafmuch as they thought 
themfelves farre enough from any controule of Iuftice, and 
therefore refolved to be their ovvne carvers : (and the rather 
becaufe they prefumed upon fome incouragement they had 
from the favourites of their Seel; in England : ) and with 
fire and fword, nine in number, purfued mine Hoft, who 
had efcaped theire hands, in fcorne of what they intended, 
and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great 
thunder and lightening, when they durft not follow him, as 
hardy as thefe nine worthies feemed to be. 

It was in the Moneth of Iune that thefe Marfhallifts had 


296 New Englifh Canaan. 

appointed to goe about this mifcheifous project, and deale 
fo crabbidly with mine Hoft. 

After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter 
they proffered him, if hee would confent to goe for England, 
there to anfwere, (as they pretended,) fome thing they could 
object againft him principall to the generall : But what it 
would be hee cared not, neither was it any thing materiall. 

Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wife, 
abufed him, and carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth, 
where, (if they had thought hee durft have gone to Eng- 
land,) rather then they would have bin any more affronted 
by him they would have difpatched him, as Captaine Shrimp 
in a rage profeft that hee would doe with his Piftoll, as mine 
Hoft fhould fet his foote into the boate. Howfoever, the 
cheife Elders voyce in that place was more powerfull 
* 1 5 1 than any of the reft, who concluded * to fend mine 
Hoft without any other thing to be done to him. 
And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe 
and others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feaft made, and 
the furmity 1 pott was provided for the boats gang by no 
allowance : and all manner of paftime. 

Captaine Shrimpe was fo overjoyed in the performance of 
this exployt, that they had, at that time, extraordinary merri- 
ment, (a thing not ufuall amongft thofe prefifians) ; and 
when the winde ferved they tooke mine Hoft into their 
Shallop, hoyfed Saile, and carried him to the Northern 
parts ; where they left him upon a Ifland. 

Chapter XVIII. 

1 Supra, 163, note 1. 

New Englifh Canaan. 297 

Chap. XVIII. 

Of a Doclor made at a Commencement in New Canaan} 

THe Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the 
weale publike and the Brethren that were to come over, 
and knowing that they would be bufily imployed to make 
provifion for the cure of Soules, and therefore might neglect 
the body for that time, did hold themfelves to be in duety 
bound to make fearch for a fitting man, that might be able, 
(if fo neede requir'd,) to take the chardge upon him in that 
place of imployment : and therefore called a Counfell of the a Counceii 
whole Synagoge : amongft which company, they chofe out a c 
man that long time had bin nurft up in the tender 
bofome of the Church: one that had # fpeciall gifts: * 152 
hee could wright and reade ; nay, more : hee had 
tane the oath of abjuration, which is a fpeciall ftepp, yea, 
and a maine degree unto perferment. Him they weane, 
and out of Phaos boxe 2 fitt him with fpeciall guifts of no 
leffe worth : they ftile him Doctor, and forth they fend him 
to gaine imployement and opinion. 

What luck is it I cannot hit on his name : but I will give 


1 The perfonage referred to, in this ment in the text. At Plymouth, befides 

amufing but extremely fcurrilous chapter, being the phyfician of the colony, he 

is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice was a magiftrate and a deacon of the 

of Dr. Fuller in Young's Chron. of Pilg. church. He died there, of an infectious 

(p. 222, note), and in Eliot's Biog. Dicl. fever, in 1633, and his beft poffible epi- 

He was one of thofe who came over in taph is read in Bradford (p. 314) : " A 

the Mayflower j but that he was born in man godly, and forward to do good, 

the County of Somerfet, and bred a being much miffed after his death." 

butcher, appears only from the ftate- 2 Infra, 345, note. 

298 New Englifh Canaan. 

you him by a periphrafis, that you may know him when you 
meete him next. 

Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerfet, 
where hee was bred a Butcher. Hee weares a lono:e beard, 
and a Garment like the Greeke that beQ-orl in Pauls 
Church. 1 This new made Doctor, comes to Salem to con- 
gratulate : 2 where hee findes fome are newly come from Sea, 
and ill at eafe. 

He takes the patient, and the urinall : eies the State 
there ; findes the Crafis Syptomes, and the attomi natan- 
tes : and tells the patient that his difeafe was winde, which 
hee had tane by gapeing feafting over board 3 at Sea ; but hee 
would quickly eafe him of that greife, and quite expell the 
winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee had : 
and then hee handled the patient fo handfomely, that hee 
eafed him of all the winde hee had in an inftant. 

And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were 
made a fitting Plant for Heaven. 

How hee went to worke with his gifts is a queftion ; yet 
hee did a great cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured 
him of a difeafe called a wife : 4 and yet I hope this man 


1 Paul's Walk, as the central nave likewife vifited Charleftown. (Young's 
of old St. Paul's was called, was in the Chron, of Pilg., p. 222, note.) 

reign of Charles I. much what a bufi- 8 This defcription of the ufual effect 

nefs arcade is now. There is a vivid of fea-ficknefs I take to be peculiar to 

defcription of it, with extracts from Morton. 

writers of the time, in W. H. Ainf- 4 Endicott's firft wife was Anna Go- 
worth's romance, Old St. PauPs (B. 11. ver, a coufin of Governor Cradock. 
ch. 7). See alfo, Gardiner's Charles I. Little is known of her. She came to 
(vol. ii. p. 11). New England with her hufband, and 

2 The vifit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, died during the very early days of 
referred to in the text, may have taken the fettlement, as fhe feems to have 
place in 1628. Though lie was alfo there been in failing health in September, 
in 1629 ; and again in 1630, when he 1628. Endicott was married to his 


New Englifli Canaan. 299 

may be forgiven, if fhee were made a fitting plant for 

*By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, * 153 
and the chirgeon's cheft, and made Phifition generall 
of Salem : where hee exercifed his gifts fo well, that of full 
42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is not one has more 
caufe to complaine, or can fay black 's his eie. This faved 
Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck'd away the 
vittels : though it brought forth a fcandall on the Country 
by it : and then I hope this man may be forgiven, if they 
were all made fitting plants for Heaven. 

But in mine opinion, hee deferves to be fet upon a palfrey 
and lead up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with 
a coller of Iurdans about his neck, as was one of like defert 
in Richard the feconds time through the fireets of London, 
that men might know where to finde a Ouackfaluer. 1 

Chapter XIX. 

fecond wife Auguft 18, 1630; on the would indicate that the cafe had then 

17th of the following month he fat among been handed down as a tradition for two 

the magiftrates at Bofton in judgment hundred and fifty years. It feems that 

upon the author of the New Canaan, Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old parch- 

who had been "fent for" juft five days ment, rolled up in "a piece of cloth of 

after the marriage, which feems to have gold," afferting that it was very good 

taken place at Charleftown. (Winthrop, for the ailments with which his wife 

vol. i. p. *3o ; Young's Chron. of Mafs., was afflicted. Upon being arraigned, 

pp. 131,292; Supra, 43-4.) Clerk contended that upon the parch- 

1 This was the cafe of Roger Clerk, ment was written "a good charm for 

of Wandfworth, attached in the cham- fevers." Upon examination, no word 

ber of the Guildhall of London, before of the alleged charm was found in the 

the mayor and aldermen, on the 13th paper. The court then told the prifoner 

of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and "that a ftraw beneath his foot would 

falfehood as to Roger atte Hacche. be of juft as much avail for fevers, 

The record is to be found in Riley's as this charm of his was ; whereupon, 

Memorials of London and London he fully granted that it would be fo. 

Life (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as And becaufe that the fame Roger Clerk 

illuftrating Englifli manners in the time was in no way a literate man, and fee- 

of Richard II. Morton's reference ing that on the examinations aforefaid, 


300 New Englifli Canaan. 


Chap. XIX. 

Of the filencing of a Minifler in new Canaan} 

filenced Minifler, out of coveteoufneffe, 2 came over into 
new Canaan to play the fpie : Hee pretended, out of 

(as well as others afterwards made,) 
lie was found to be an infidel, and alto- 
gether ignorant of the art of phytic or 
of furgery ; and to the end that the peo- 
ple might not be deceived and aggrieved 
by fuch ignorant perfons, etc. ; it was 
adjudged "that the fame Roger Clerk 
mould be led through the middle of the 
City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding 
on a horfe without a faddle, the faid 
parchment and a whetftone, for his lies, 
being hung about his neck, an urinal 
alfo being hung before him, and another 
urinal on his back." 

The punifhment of the "pillory and 
the whetftone," as it was called, was 
that ordinarily impofed on thofe telling 
falfehoods. In another cafe in the fame 
volume (p. 316) it is thus given in de- 
tail : "The faid John fhall come out 
of Newgate without hood or girdle, 
barefoot and unfhod, with a whetftone 
hung by a chain from his neck, and 
lying on his breaft, it being marked with 
the words, — 'A falfe liar;' and there 
fhall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting 
before him on his way to the pillory." 

1 The perfon referred to in this chap- 
ter was probably the Rev. Francis 
Bright, of whom very little is known. 
He was one of the three minifters fent 
over by the Maffachufetts Company in 
1629, Higginfon and Skelton being the 
other two. In June of that year, when 
Graves and the Spragues were fent by 
Endicott to effefl a fettlement at 
Cliarleftown, Bright accompanied them 
as "minifler to the Company's fervants." 

(Young's Citron, of Afafs., pp. 316, 
376.) As fuch, he was the Caiaphas, 
or high-prieft, of that region, and it 
naturally devolved on him to " exer- 
cife his guifts on the Lords clay at 
Weenafimute." Morton further fays 
that the perfon he refers to had been 
a filenced minifler in England. That 
Bright had been filenced is not known, 
but both Skelton and Higginfon had 
been {Magnolia, B. 1. ch. iv. § 4; 
Neal's Hifl. of Puritans, vol. ii. p. 229); 
and. though Hubbard intimates that 
Bright was a conformift (p. 113), yet, 
in the Company's letter to Endicott, the 
three minifters are ftated to have "de- 
clared themfelves to us to be of one 
judgment, and to be fully agreed on the 
manner how to exercife their miniftry." 
(Young's Chron. ofPilg., p. 160.) Win- 
throp, Morton adds, "fpied out Caiphas 
praclife ; and he muft be packing." 
Bright returned to England fhortly after 
Winthrop's arrival. Johnfon fays (Won. 
der-working Providence, p. 20) that he 
"betooke him to the Seas againe," 
when he faw that "all forts of ftones 
would not fit in the building." 

Samuel Skelton is referred to by 
Morton a few pages further on (Infra, 
306) as " Paftor Mafter Eager," which 
name maybe taken to imply "covetouf- 
nefs " in him. But, though Skelton 
might be termed the "Caiphas" of the 
country, he was not filenced by Win- 
throp. He can, therefore, hardly be the 
perfon here aimed at. 

2 [courtcoufnefle.] St&fuftra, I II, «. I. 

New Englifh Canaan, 301 

a zealous intent to doe the Salvages good, and to teach 
them. Hee brought a great Bundell of Home books with 
him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out all the 
croffes of them, for feare leaft the people of the land mould 
become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to 
prepare a great auditory againft greate Iofua mould arive 

* Hee applyed himfelfe on the weeke dayes to the * 154 
trade of Beaver, but it was, (as might feeme,) to 
purchafe the principall benefite of the Lande, when the time 
fhould come ; for hee had a hope to be the Caiphas of the 
Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the 
head than any of his tribe that came after him. 

This man, it feemes, played the fpie very handfomely ; for 
in the exercife of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenafi- This caiphas 
mute, 1 hee efpied a Salvage come in with a good Beaver Jemmth co- 
coate, and tooke occafion to reproove the covetous defire of «2£^#. 
his auditory to trade for Beaver on thofe dayes ; which jg£ d him ' 
made them all ufe fo much modefty about the matter for the 
prefent, that hee found opportunity, the fame day, to take 
the Salvage a fide into a corner, where (with the helpe of 
his Wampampeack hee had in his pocket for that purpofe 
in a readineffe,) hee made a fhifte to get that Beaver coate, 
which their mouthes watered at ; and fo deceaved them all. 

But fhortly after, when Iofua 2 came into the Land, hee 
had foone fpied out Caiphas praclife, and put him to filence ; 


1 Sufira, 229, note 3, and 300, note 1. Morton always defignates Governor 

2 Iofua Temperwell. Under this name John Winthrop. 

302 New Englifh Canaan. 

and either hee muft put up his pipes and be packing, or 

forfake Ionas pofture, and play 

Demas part alltoge- 

ther. 1 

*i55 *Chap. XX. 

Of the Praclife of the Seperatifls to gett a fnare to hamper 

mine Hojl of Ma-re-Mount. 


Lthough the nine Worthies had left mine Hofte upon 
an Ifland, 2 in fuch an inhumane manner as yee heard 
before ; yet when they underftood that hee had got fhipping 
and was gone to England of his owne accord, they dif- 
patched letters of advife to an Agent they had there : and 
by the next fhipp fent after to have a fnare made, that 
might hamper mine Hoft fo as hee might not any more 
trouble theire confcience : and to that end made a generall 
Thegeneraii collection of Beaver to defray the chardge, 3 and hee was not 
made"" thought a good Chriftian that would not lay much out for 
that imployment. 

Some contributed three pounds, fome foure, fome five 
pounds; and procured a pretty quantity by that Devife, 
which fhould be given to a cunning man that could make 
a fnare to hamper him. -p, 

1 Caiaphas was the high-prieft of the mentioned by Paul as a fellow-difciple 

Jews; Jonas, or Jonah, was the firft who had forfaken him, "having loved 

Hebrew prophet fcnt to a heathen na- this prefent world, and is departed unto 

tion. The propriety of thefe two Bibli- ThefTalonica." (II. Timothy iv. 10.) 

cal allufions in this connection is, there- 2 Supra, *I44> *I5 I - 

fore, apparent enough. The allufion to 3 Supra, 30. 
Demas is more obfcure, as he is only 

New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 303 

The Agent, (according to his directions,) does his endeav- 
oure, (in the beft manner hee could,) to have this inftrument Noecojifpa- 
made : and ufed no little diligence to have it effected. 1 His getting of a 
reputation flood upon the tafke impofed upon him againfV '•'"' 
mine Hoft, the onely enemy (accounted) of their Church 
and State. 

Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a 
fkillfull man that would worke the feate. Noe coft 
* was fpared, for gold hee had good ftore : firfh hee * 156 
inquires of one, and then another : at the laft hee 
heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent 
at making fubtile inftruments, fuch as that age had never 
bin acquainted with. 

Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and 
wondrous fkill to make a cunning inftrument where with to 
fave himfelfe and his whole family, if all the world befides 
mould be drown'd ; and this the beft ; yea, and the beft. 
cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing take. 

To him this agent goes, and praies his aide : Declares his 
caufe, and tells the fubftance of his greivance, all at large, 
and laid before his eies a heape of gold. 

When all was fhewd, that could be fhe'd, and faid, what 
could be faid, and all too little for to have it done, the a°;ent The heape of 
then did fee his gold refufed, his caufe defpifed, and thought s ° 
himfelfe difgraced to leave the worke undone : fo that hee 
was much difmaid, yet importun'd the cunning [man], who 
found no reafon to take the tafke in hand. 

Hee thought, perhaps, mine Hoft, (that had the flight to 

efcape from the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by 

1 Supra, 35. 


New Englifh Canaan. 

Mine Hojl 
arrived a- 
gaine in 

inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open 
at an inftant,) would not be hampered, but with much a 
doe : and fo hee was unwilling to be troubled with that 

The agent wondring to fee that his gold would doe no 
good, did afke the cunning man if hee could give him no 

advife ? who faid, hee would : and what was that, 
* 157 thinke you? To let mine Hofl alone. Who, * being 

fhip'd againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put 
in at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible 
amazement to fee him at liberty : and told him hee had not 
yet fully anfvvered the matter they could object againft him. 
Hee onely made this modeft reply, that hee did perceave 
they were willfull people, that would never be anfwered : 
and derided them for their praclifes and loffe of laboure. 1 

Chap. XXI. 

Charter par- 
ty Treaforer. 

Of Captaine Littleworth his new dcvife for the purchafe of 


N the meane time, whiles 
there was a great fwellin 
over to Salem, (by the helpe 
Treforer, and Matter Ananias 

1 Supra, 37. 

2 By this name Morton defignates 
Matthew Cradock, the firft Governor 
of the Maffachufetts Bay Company, 
though he never came to America. 
Cradock was a wealthy London mer- 

thefe former paffages were, 

g fellow, of Littleworth, crept 

of Mailer Charter party, 2 the 

Increafe, 3 the Collector for the 


chant, and as fuch fubfcribed largely to 
the funds of the company. In regard 
to him, fee Dr. Young's note in CJiron. 
of Mafs. (p. 137). 

3 It is not clear who Morton may 
have intended to dehgnate by this 


New Englijli Canaan, 305 

Company of Seperatifts,) to take upon him their imploy- 
ments for a time. 

Hee, refolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did thine, 
firft pretended himfelfe to be fent over as cheife Iuftice of the 
Maffachuffets Bay and Salem, forfoth, and tooke unto him a 
councell ; and a worthy one no doubt, for the Cowkeeper of 
Salem was a prime man in thofe imployments ; and to ad 
a Majefty, (as hee thought,) to his new affumed dignity, hee 
caufed the Patent of the Maffachuffets, (new brought into 
the Land,) to be carried where hee went in his progreffe 
to and froe, as an embleme of his authority: which 
*the vulgar people, not acquainted with, thought it to * 158 
be fome inftrument of Mufick locked up in that cov- 
ered cafe, 1 and thought, (for fo fome faid,) this man of little- 
worth had bin a fidler, and the rather becaufe hee had put 


name. John Wafhburne was the fecre- ernor Winthrop is fuppofed to have 

tary and "collector for the company" brought over the charter of 1629, is ftill 

at the time Endicott was fent over, but to be feen in the office of the Secre- 

of him nothing is known. (Young's tary of the Commonwealth at the State 

Chron. of Mafs., p. 55.) It would fee m Houfe in Bofton ; and that in which 

more probable that Increafe Nowell Endicott brought over the patent of 

was the perfon Morton had in mind. 1628 was, it may be inferred from the 

Nowell was one of the original paten- text, fimilar in appearance. It very 

tees, contributing money to forward the much refembles the cafe for " fome in- 

purpofes of the company, ferving on ftrument of mufick," being a flat, nar- 

committees, &c. (/<£., p. 262.) He row box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by 3% 

came to New England with Winthrop, inches wide and 3 inches deep. It has 

and was among the magiftrates who a fpecies of circular annex, fo to fpeak, 

were prefent at the trial of Morton in at its middle, intended to contain the feal. 

September, 1630. (Records, vol. i. This annex, like the box, is of wood, 

PP- 73) 7S-) He was the firft ruling- and is 7 by 8 inches in furface, and the 

elder of the Charleftown church. He fame in depth as the main cafe, of which 

is defcribed as having been "a worthy it is a part. The whole is covered with 

pious man " (Eliot) ; and if he was the ftamped leather, now brown and mould- 

perfon intended by Morton, — which is ered with age. There are, however, 

not at all clear, — the propriety of call- fome things about this cafe which fug- 

ing him Ananias, if it refts on anything, geft doubts as to its having been made 

is not apparent from the record. quite fo early as the time of Charles I. 
1 The " covered cafe," in which Gov- 


New Englifh Canaan. 

made by 
Capt. Little- 
•worth in his 

into the mouthes of poore filly things, that were fent alonge 
with him, what fkill hee had in Engines, and in things of 
quaint devife : all which prooved in conclufion to be but 

This man, thinking none fo worthy as himfelfe, tooke 
upon him infinitely : and made warrants in his owne name, 
(without relation to his Majefties authority in that place,) 
and fummoned a generall apparance at the worfhipfull towne 
of Salem : x there in open affembly was tendered certaine 
Articles, devifed betweene him and theire new Paftor Mafter 
Eager, 2 (that had renounced his old calling to the Miniflry 
receaved in England, by warrant of Gods word, and taken a 
new one there, by their fantafticall way impofed, and con- 
ferred upon him with fome fpeciall guifts had out of Phaos 
boxe.) 3 

To thefe Articles every Planter, old and new, muft figne, 
or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the Com- 
pas of the Land contained within that graunt then mewed : 
which was fo large it would fuffice for Elbow roome for more 
then were in all the Land by 700000. fuch an army might 
have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit which hee 
challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell. 
But for all that, hee that mould refufe to fubfcribe, muff, 

The tenor of the Articles were thefe : That in all 


1 In regard to this meeting at Salem, 2 Seefiefira 300, note 1. 
and the aftion taken at it, fee fupra, 8 This refers to the famous Salem 

38-40. No record or other mention of ordination of Skelton and Higginfon, 

it, except that contained in the text, has July 20 and Auguft 6, 1629 ; in regard 

come down to us. to which fee Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 295-6. 

New Englifh Canaan. 307 

* caufes, as well Ecclefiafticall as Politically weeJJiould * 159 
follow the rule of Gods word. 

This made a mew of a good intent, and all the affembly, Mine mji 
(onely mine Holt replyed,) did fubfcribe : hee would not, £?/" 
unleffe they would ad this Caution : So as nothing be done 
contrary or repugnant to the Lawes of the Kingdome of Eng- 
land. Thefe words hee knew, by former experience, were 
neceffary, and without thefe the fame would proove a very 
moufetrapp to catch fome body by his owne confent, (which 
the reft nothing fufpected,) for the conftruction of the worde 
would be made by them of the Seperation to ferve their 
owne turnes : and if any man mould, in fuch a cafe, be 
accufed of a crime, (though in it felfe it were petty,) they 
might fet it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts, 
and ftretch it to make it feeme cappitall ; which was the rea- 
fon why mine Hoft refufed to fubfcribe. 

It was then agreed upon that there fhould be one generall The Patent. 
trade ufed within that Patent, (as hee faid,) and a generall 
ftock : and every man to put in a parte : and every man, for 
his perfon, to have fhares alike : and for their ftock, accord- 
ing to the ratable proportion was put in : and this to con- 
tinue for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt. 

All were united, but mine Hoft refufed : two truckmafters 
were chofen ; wages prefixed ; onely mine Hoft put in a Aiicon/ented 
Caviat that the wages might be paid out of the cleare Hoft" 
profBt, which there in black and white was plainely put 

* But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in * 160 
this ftock, (handled by the Truckmafters,) would 
have an accoumpt : fome of them had perceaved that Wam- 


308 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

pambeacke could be pocketted up, and the underlings, (that 
went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wifer for 
any thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely. 
infteedof The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Little- 
/r^». worth, and the two Truckmafters, it was found that inftead 
of increafing the proffit, they had decreafed it ; for the 
principall flock, by this imployment, was freetted fo, that 
there was a great hole to be feene in the very middle of it, 
which coft the partners afterwards one hundred markes to 
flopp and make good to Captaine Littleworth. 

But mine Hofl, that flurred not his foote at all for the 
matter, did not onely fave his flock from fuch a Cancar, but 
gained fixe and feaven for one : in the meane time hee 
derided the Contributers for being catch'd in that fnare. 

Chap. XXII. 

Of a Sequeflration made in New Canaan} 

CAptaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine 
Hofl of Ma-re-Mount,) devifed how hee might put a 
trick upon him, by colour of a Sequeflration ; and got fome 
perfons to pretend that hee had corne and other 
* 161 goods of theirs in poffeffion ; and the * rather becaufe 
mine Hofl had ftore of corne and hee had improv- 
idently truckt his ftore for the prefent gaine of Beaver ; in fo 
much that his people under his chardge were put to fliort 
allowance, which caufed fome of them to ficken with con- 


1 Supra, 41-2. 

New Englifh Canaan. 309 

ceipt of fuch ufeage, and fome of them by the practife of the 
new entertained Doclor Noddy, with his Imaginary gifts. 
They fent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos, 
Eacus and Radamant, where they wimed to have the author 
of their greife to be convented : * and they had procured it 
quickly, if curfes would have caufed it : for good prayers 
would be of no validity, (as they fuppofed,) in this extremity. 

Now in this extremity Capt. Littleworth gave commiffion 
to fuch as hee had found ready for fuch imployments to Commijwn 
enter in the howfe at Ma-re-Mount, and, with a fhallop, to 
bring from thence fuch corne and other utenfilles as in their 
commiffion hee had fpecified. But mine Hoft, wary to pre- 
vent eminent mifcheife, had conveyed his powther and fhott, 
(and fuch other things as flood him in moft fleed for his pref- 
ent condition,) into the woods for fafety: and, whiles this 
was put in praftife by him, the fhallop was landed and the 
Commiffioners entred the howfe, and willfully bent againft 
mine honeft Hoft, that loved good hofpitality. After they had Mine Hojis 
feafted their bodies with that they found there, they carried wrteTj™'* 
all his corne away, with fome other of his goods, contrary to b y vwlence - 
the Lawes of hofpitality : a fmale parcell of refufe corne 
onely excepted, which they left mine Hoft to keepe Chrift- 
mas with. 

* But when they were gone, mine Hoft fell to make * 162 
ufe of his gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in 
the ufe of that inftrument,) and feafted his body neverthe- 
leffe with fowle and venifon, which hee purchafed with the 
helpe of that inftrument, the plenty of the Country and 
the commodioufnes of the place affording meanes, by the 


1 [converted] Seefufira 1 1 1, note i. 


310 New Englifh Canaan. 

bleffmg of God ; and hee did but deride Captaine Little- 
worth, that made his fervants fnap fhorte in a Country fo 
much abounding with plenty of foode for an induftrious 
man, with greate variety. 

Chap. XXIII. 

Of a great Bonfire made for toy of the arrivall of great 
Iofua, furnamed Temperwell, into the Land of Canaan} 

SEaven fhipps fet forth at once, and altogether arrived 
in the Land of Canaan, to take a full poffeffion thereof : 
What are all the 12. Tribes of new Ifraell come? No, 
none but the tribe of Iffacar, and fome few fcattered Le- 
vites of the remnant of thofe that were defcended of old 
Elies howfe. 

And here comes their Iofua too among them ; and they 
make it a more miraculous thing for thefe feaven fhipps to 
fet forth together, and arrive at New Canaan together, then 
it was for the Ifraelites to goe over Iordan drifhod : per- 
haps it was, becaufe they had a wall on the right hand and 

a wall on the left hand. 
* 163 * Thefe Seperatifts fuppofe there was no more 
difficulty in the matter then for a man to finde the 
way to the Counter at noone dayes, betweene a Sergeant 


1 The arrival of Winthrop's fleet in he difliked him, always refers to Win- 
June, 1630, is here referred to. It has throp, if not with refpe<5t, yet with a 
already been ftated that Iofua Temper- certain reftraint of tone and infinuation 
well is intended for Governor Winthrop. which he did not fliow to others, fuch 
It will be noticed that Morton, much as as Endicott, Fuller and Standifh. 

New Englifh Canaan, 3 l J 

and his yeoman : Now you may thinke mine Hofl will be 
hamperd or never. 

Thefe are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land Men that 
of all pollution. Thefe are more fubtile then the Cunning, ^Tw"/ 
that did refufe a goodly heap of gold. 1 Thefe men have ^^ 
brought a very fnare indeed ; and now mine Hoft muft fuffer. 
The book of Common Prayer, which hee ufed, to be defpifed : 
and hee muft not be fpared. 

Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded 
on : they have a warrant now : A cheife one too : and now 
mine Hoft muft know hee is the fubject of their hatred : the 
Snare muft now be ufed ; this inftrument muft not be brought 
by Iofua in vaine. 2 

A Court is called of purpofe for mine hoft : hee there a Courtc 
convented, and muft heare his doome before hee goe : nor m i„e Hoft. 
will they admitt him to capitulate, and know wherefore they 
are fo violent to put fuch things in praclife againft a man 
they never faw before : nor will they allow of it, though hee 
decline their Iurifdiction. 

There they all with one affent put him to filence, cry- a diveiufk 

s-> 1 1 /— i fait aice fl- 

ing out, heare the Governour, heare the Govern : who ^ainji him. 

gave this fentence againft mine Hoft at firft fight: that he 

fhould be firft put in the Billbowes, his goods fhoukl be all 

confifcated, his Plantation fhould be burned downe to the 

ground, becaufe the habitation of the wicked fhould 

no more appeare in Ifraell, and * his perfon banifhed * 164 

from thofe territories ; and this put in execution with 

all fpeede. 3 ^j ie 

1 Supra, *I56. to the Lords of the Council. (Proc. of 

2 Supra, 47. See, alfo, the petition of Mafs. Hifi. Soc. 1860-2, p. 133.) 
Window, while a prifoner in the Fleet, 3 Supra, 43-5. 

312 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

The Salvages 



fumma to- 

tiits Philofo- 

The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while, 
(greived, poore filly lambes, to fee what they went about,) 
and did reproove thefe Eliphants of witt for their inhumane 
deede : the Lord above did open their mouthes like Balams 
Affe, and made them fpeake in his behalf e fentences of 
unexpected divinity, befides morrallity ; and tould them that 
god would not love them that burned this good mans howfe; 
and plainely fayed that they who were new come would finde 
the want of fuch a howfes in the winter : fo much themfelves 
to him confeft. 

The fmoake that did affend appeared to be the very 
Sacrifice of Kain. Mine Hoft, (that a farre of abourd a fhip 
did there behold this wofull fpeclacle,) knew not what hee 
mould doe in this extremity but beare and forbeare, as Epic- 
tetus fayes J : it was booteleffe to exclaime. 

Hee did confider then thefe tranfitory things are but ludi- 
bria fortunes? as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to 
the ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare allies as 
an embleme of their cruelty : and unles it could, (like to 
the Phenix,) rife out of thefe allies and be new againe, (to 
the immortall glory and renowne of this fertile Canaan the 


1 T. W. Higginfon, who in 1866 pub- 
lifhed a tranflation of Epictetus, fur- 
nifhes me the following note on this 
allufion : " The phrafe ' bear and for- 
bear ' has always been received as the 
formula efpecially characteriftic of Epic- 
tetus. It is moft explicitly preferved to 
us in the Nocles Attica of Aulus Gellius 
(B. xvii. ch. xix. §§ 5-6). Gellius fays : 
' Verba duo dicebat : ' hv^v k<u «7rex"^' 
having previoufly explained their mean- 
ing. There was in 1634 no Englifh 

tranflation of any portion of Epicletus 
containing the phrafe ; nor was he an 
author then much read at the Englifh 
univerfities. Morton probably, there- 
fore, got the quotation from the Latin 
of Aulus Gellius ; if, indeed, he did not 
pick it up in liftening to the talk of 
fome more fcholarly man, — poffibly 
Ben Jonfon." 

2 I lie haec ludibria fortunae, ne fua 
quidem putavit, quae nos appelamus 
etiam bona. (Paradoxa, I. 1.) 

New Engli/Ii Canaan. 3 r 3 

new,) the ftumpes and poftes in their black liveries will 
mourne ; and piety it felfe will add a voyce to the bare 
remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recom- 
pence, (or elfe revenge,) againft the Seel; of cruell Schif- 

*Chap. XXIV. * 165 

Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan} 

THere was a zealous Profeffor in the Land of Canaan, 
(growne a great Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that 
came over for his confeience fake, (as other men have done,) 
and the meanes, (as the phrafe is,) who in his minority had 
bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more 
ripenes of yeares, (though leffe difcretion,) found a kinde of 
fcruple in his confeience that the trade was in parte againfl 
the fecond commandement : 2 and therefore left it off wholely, 
and betooke himfelfe to fome other imployments. 

In the end hee fettled upon this courfe, where hee had 
hope of preferrement, and become one of thofe things that 
any Iudas might hange himfelfe upon, that is an Elder. An Eider. 

Hee had bin a man of fome recconing in his time, (as 
himfelfe would boaft,) for hee was an officer, juft under the 


1 I am unable to fuggeft any explana- difpleafure " of Governor Winthrop and 

tion of the allufions contained in this was degraded. 

chapter. There is no apparent clew 2 "Thou fhalt not make unto thee 

either to the " zealous Profeffor " whofe any graven image, or any likenefs of 

confeience did not permit him to cut anything that is in heaven above, or 

tombftones, or to the "gentleman newly that is in the earth beneath, or that is 

come into the land," who " incurred the in the water under the earth." 

3 1 4 New Englifli Canaan. 


Exchequer at Weftminfter, in a place called Phlegeton : there 
hee was comptroller, and converfed with noe plebeians, I 
tell you, but fuch as have angels or their attendance, (I 
meane fome Lawyers with appertenances, that is, Clarks,) 
with whome a Iugg of Beare and a crufty rolle in the terme 

is as currant as a three penny fcute at Hall time. 
* 1 66 * There is another place thereby, called flicks : thefe 
are two daingerous places, by which the infernall gods 
doe fweare : but this of Sticks is the more daingerous of the 
two, becaufe there, (if a man be once in,) hee cannot tell how 
to get out againe handfomely 

I knew an under fheriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured 
to be free of it : yet hee broake his back before he got fo 
farre as quietus eft : There is no fuch danger in Phlegeton, 
where this man of fo much recconing was comptroller. 
io/ua di/- Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a 

pua/ed. gentl. and now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the 

land of Canaan, (before hee knew what ground hee flood 
upon,) had incurred the difpleafure of great Iofua fo highly 
that hee mult therefore be digraded. 

No reconciliation could be had for him : all hopes were 
pafl for that matter : Where upon this man of much rec- 
coning (pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance,) 
helpes the lame dogge over the flile, and was as jocund on 
the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton. 

Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, pro- 
claiming in a very folemne manner that it was the pleafure of 
Majier great Iofua, (for divers and fundry very good caufes and con- 

Temperwdl. f lderat i onS5 Mafler Temperwell thereunto efpecially moov- 
ing,) to take away the title, prerogative and preheminence 


New Rngli/Ii Canaan. 3 1 5 

of the Delinquent, fo unworthy of it, and to place the fame 
upon a Profeffor of more recconing : fo that it was 
made * a penall thing for any man after to lifte the * 167 
fame man againe on the top of that ftile, but that 
hee mould Hand perpetually digraded from that prerogative. 
And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of fo 
much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill 
up a roome, and was made a Gentleman of the firft head ; 
and his Coate of Armes, blazon'd and tricked out fit for that 
purpofe, in this Poem following. 


WHat ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy ; 
Or Doteage on his owne Imagery ? 
Let him remember how hee came from Hell, 
That after ages by record may tell 

The compleate Jlory to poflerity. 

Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry. 

Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund, Put a this 

A barre betweene three crufly rolls at hand, way ' 

And, for his crefl, with froth, there does appeare 
Dextra Paw Elevant a Iugg of beare. 

Now, that it may the more eafily be underftood, I have 
here endeavoured to fet it forth in thefe illuftrations follow- 
ing : Pigmalion was an Image maker, who, doteing on his 
owne perfection in making the Image of Venus, grew to be 


3 16 New Englifh Canaan. 

a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the firft head : and 
by the figure Antonomafia x is hee herein exemplified. 

Hee was tranflated from a tombe maker to be the 
* 1 68 * tapfter at hell, (which is in Weftminfter, under the 
Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit of the meanes hee 
tranflated himfelfe into New England, where, by the help of 
Beaver and the commaund of a fervant or two, hee was 
advaunced to the title of a gentleman ; where I left him 
to the exercife of his guifts. 

Chap. XXV. 

Of the manner how the Seperatifls doe pay debts to them 
that are without} 

THere was an honeft man, one M r . Innocence Faire- 
cloath, 3 by M r . Mathias Charterparty fent over into 
New Canaan, to raife a very good marchantable commodity 


1 "Antonomafia (JViet.). The ufe are found ufing it (Bradford, pp. 184, 
of the name of fome office, dignity, pro- 187) exadly as Morton ufes it, who 
feffion, fcience or trade, inftead of the probably picked it up at Plymouth, 
proper name of the perfon ; as where 3 Innocence Fairecloath is the name 
his majcjly is ufed for a king, or his under which Morton alludes to Philip 
lord/hip for a nobleman, or when, in- Ratcliff. This man was a fervant or 
ftead of Ariflotle, we fay the philofo- agent of Governor Matthew Cradock. 
pher; or, converfely, the ufe of a proper He got into trouble with Endicott and 
name inftead of an appellative, as where the members of the Salem church, and, 
a wife man is called a Cato, or an emi- according to Winthrop, "being convicl, 
nent orator a Cicero, the application ore terms, of moft foul, fcandalous in- 
being fupported by a refemblance in veflives againft our churches and gov- 
charafter." (Web/ler.) ernment, was cenfured to be whipped, 

2 The phrafe " them that are with- lofe his ears, and be banifhed the plan- 
out [the church] " calls for no explnna- tation, which was prefently executed." 
tion. It was common in early New (p. *$6.) Another authority fpeaks of 
England, and both Lyford and Bradford the offence as a " moft horible blaf- 


New Englijli Canaan. 317 

for his benefit ; for, whiles the man was bound by covenant 
to flay for a time, and to imploy fuch fervants as did there 
belong to M r . Charterparty, 1 hee difdained the tenents of the 
Seperatifts: and they alfo, (finding him to be none,) dif- 
dained to be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed 
him,) and fought occafion againft him, to doe him a mif. 
cheife. Intelligence was conveyed to M r . Charterparty that 
this man was a member of the Church of England, and 
therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and 
ftate. And, (to the end they might have fome coloure 
againft him,) fome of them practifed to get into his debte, 
which hee, not miftrufting, fuffered, and gave credit for fuch 
Commodity as hee had fold at a price. When the day of 
payment came, infteede of monyes, hee, being at that time 
fick and weake and flood in neede of the Beaver hee had Goode Paye- 
contracled for, hee had an Epiftle full of zealous 
exhortations to provide for the foule ; and * not to # 169 
minde thefe tranfitory things that perilhed with the 
body, and to bethinke himfelfe whether his confcience would 
be fo prompt to demaund fo greate a fomme of Beaver as 


phemy." (m. Mafs. Hifl. Coll., vol. viii. the next year Edward Howes wrote out 

p. 323.) In the Records of Majfachii- to John Winthrop, Jr. : " I have heard 

fetts (p. 88), under date of June 14 diverfe complaints againft the feveritie 

(24 n. s.), 1631, the fentence read as of your Government efpecially Mr. In- 

follows : "It is ordered, that Philip dicutts, and that he fhalbe fent for over, 

Ratcliffe fhall be whipped, have his about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans 

ears cut off, fined 40 1., and banifhed eares, and other grievances." (in. 

out of the limits of this jurifdiftion, for Mafs. Hifl. Cell., vol. ix. p. 244.) In 

uttering malicious and fcandalous regard to Ratcliff s fubfequent connec- 

fpeeches againft the government and tion with the Gorges-Mafon attacks on 

the church of Salem, &c, as appear- the company before the Privy Council, 

eth by a particular thereof, proved upon fee fupra, 50-2, 62, and Proceedings of 

oath." The feverity of this fentence Mafs. Hifl. Soc, vol. xx., January meet- 

caufed much fcandal in England after ing, 1883. 
Ratcliff returned there, and in April of * Seefuflra 304, note 2. 

3 1 8 New Englifh Canaan. 

had bin contracted for. Hee was further exhorted therein to 
confider hee was but a fteward for a time, and by all likely 
hood was going to give up an accompt of his ftewardfhip : 
and therfore perfwaded the creditor not to load his con- 
fcience with fuch a burthen, which hee was bound by the 
Gofpell to eafe him of (if it were poffible ;) and for that caufe 
hee had framed this Epiftle in fuch a freindly maner to put 
him in minde of it. The perufall of this, (lap'd in the paper,) 
was as bad as a potion to the creditor, to fee his debtor Maf- 
ter Subtilety (a zealous profeffor as hee thought) to deride 
him in this extremity, that hee could not chufe, (in admira- 
tion of the deceipt,) but caft out thefe words : 

Are thefe youre members ? if they be all like thefe, I 
beleeve the Divell was the fetter of their Church. 

This was called in queftion when M r . Fairecloath leaft 
thought of it. Capt. Littleworth muft be the man muft 
preffe it againft him, for blafphemy againft the Church of 
Salem : and to greate Iofua Temperwell hee goes with a 
Biifphemy bitter accufation, to have Mafter Innocence made an exam- 
a /lr X carnJi pie for all carnall men to prefume to fpeake the leaft word 
that might tend to the difhonor of the Church of Salem ; 
yea, the mother Church of all that holy Land. 

And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no 
defence would ferve his turne ; yet was there none to be 

feene to accufe him, fave the Court alone. 
* 170 * The time of his ficknes, nor the urgent caufe, 
were not allowed to be urg'd for him ; but whatfoever 
could be thought upon againft him was urged, feeing hee 
was a carnall man, of them that are without. So that it 
feemes, by thofe proceedings there, the matter was adjudged 


New Englijli Canaan. 3 1 9 

before he came : Hee onely brought to heare his fentence 
in publicke : which was, to have his tongue bored through ; 
his nofe flit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to 
be whip'd in every feverall plantation of their Iurifdiction ; 
and a fine of forty pounds impof'd, with perpetuall banifh- 
ment : and, (to execute this vengeance,) Shackles, 1 (the Dea- 
con of Charles Towne,) was as ready as Mephoftophiles, when 
Doctor Fauflus was bent upon mifcheife. 

Hee is the purfer generall of New Canaan, who, (with his 
whipp, with knotts moft terrible,) takes this man unto the 
Counting howfe : there capitulates with him why hee fhould 
be fo hafty for payment, when Gods deare children muft pay 
as they are able : and hee weepes, and fobbes, and his hand- 
kercher walkes as a figne of his forrow for Mafter Faire- 
cloaths finne, that hee fhould beare no better affection to the 
Church and the Saints of New Canaan : and ftrips Inno- 
cence the while, and comforts him. 

Though hee be made to flay for payment, hee fhould not 


1 The firft two deacons of the church bered that, thirteen years later, "two of 

at Charleftown were Robert Hale and our minifters' fons, being ftudents in 

Ralph Monfall. The Charleftown church, the college, robbed two dwelling-houfes 

however, was not organized until No- in the night of fome pounds. Being 

vember, 1632, fixteen months after Rat- found out, they were ordered by the 

cliff's punifhment. (Budington's Firft gouvernours of the college to be there 

Church of Charleftown, pp. 31, 34.) whipped, which was performed by the 

The Bofton church in June, 1631, had president himfelf — yet they were about 

but one deacon, William Afpinwall 20 years of age." (Winthrop, vol. ii. 

(Ellis's Firft Church of Bofton, p. 328), p. *i66.) If the prefident of the college 

in regard to whom there is a detailed could officiate at the whipping-poft in 

note in Savage's Winthrop (p. *32). He 1644, in a cafe of what Winthrop calls 

was the deacon of the Charleftown "burglary," there feems no good reafon 

church at the time Morton was ar- why the deacon of the church fhould 

raigned and punifhed, and it is poffible not have officiated there in 1631 in a 

that Morton refers to him as Shackles, cafe which the fame authority calls 

Afpinwall was a man of prominence in "foul, fcandalous inveclives againft our 

the fettlement ; but it muft be remem- churches." 

320 New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

thinke it longe ; the payment would be fure when it did 

come, and hee fliould have his clue to a doite ; hee fhould 

Notable Pay. not wifli for a token more; And then tould it him downe 

in fuch manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent back 

like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and 
* 1 7 1 his fliirte like a * pudding wifes aperon. In this 

imployment Shackles takes a greate felicity, and glo- 
ries in the praclife of it. This cruell fentence was ftoped in 
part by Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, (then prefent at the execu- 
tion,) by expoftulating with Matter Temperwell : who was 
content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his 
eares,) to fend Innocence going, with the loffe of all his 
goods, to pay the fine impofed, and perpetuall banifhment 
out of their Lands of New Canaan, in terrorem populi. 

Loe this is the payment you fhall get, if you be one of 
them they terme, without. 

Chap. XXVI. 

Of the Charity of the Scpcratifls. 

CHarity is fayd to be the darling of Religion, and is 
indeed the Marke of a good Chriftian : But where we 
doe finde a Commiffion for miniftring to the neceffity of the 
Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition againft carting our 
bread upon the waters, where the unfanctified, as well as the 
fanclified, are in poffibility to make ufe of it. 

I cannot perceave that the Seperatifts doe allowe of help- 
ing our poore, though they magnify their pracrtife in con- 
tributing to the nourifhmcnt of their Saints ; For as much 

New Englifli Canaan. 3 2 1 

as fome that are of the number of thofe whom they terme 

without, (though it were in cafe of fickneffe,) upon 

theire landing, when a little frefh * victuals would * 172 

have recovered their healths, yet could they not finde 

any charitable affiftance from them. Nay, mine Hofl of 

Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the ufe of his gunne, 

powther and fhott, and his dogg, which were denied,) hee 

doubtles would have preferved fuch poore helples wretches 

as were neglected by thofe that brought them over ; which Lame charity. 

was fo apparent, (as it feemed,) that one of their owne tribe 

faid, the death of them would be required at fome bodies 

hands one day, (meaning Mafter Temperwell.) 

But fuch good muft not come from a carnall man : if it 
come from a member, then it is a fanctified worke ; if other- 
wife, it is rejected as unfanclified. 

But when Shackles 1 wife, and fuch as had hufbands, 
parents or freinds, happened to bee Tick, mine Hofts helpe 
was ufed, and inftruments provided for him to kill frefh 
vittell with, (wherein hee was induftrious,) and the perfons, 
having frefh vittell, lived. 

So doubtles might many others have bin preferved, but 
they were of the number left without ; neither will thofe 
precife people admit a carnall man into their howfes, though 
they have made ufe of his in the like cafe ; they are fuch 
antagoftifts to thofe that doe not comply with them, and 
feeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in fcorne 
they fay, you may fee what it is to be without. 

Chapter XXVII. 

1 Supra, 319. 


New Englifli Canaan. 



Chap. XXVI I. 

Of the praftife of tJieir CImrch} 

THe Church of the Seperatifts is governed by Parlors, 
Elders and Deacons, and there is not * any of thefe, 
though hee be but a Cow keeper, but is allowed to ex- 
ercife his guifts in the publik affembly on the Lords day, 2 
fo as hee doe not make ufe of any notes for the helpe of 
his memory : 3 for fuch things, they fay, fmell of Lampe 


churches during the earlieft days of the 
fettlement. Mr. Trumbull's very learned 
and elaborate notes to his edition of 
the Plaine Dealing, which is the edition 
referred to in the notes to the prefent 
chapter, have cleared up Lechford's text 
wherever it is obfeure ; and they obviate 
the neceffity of any careful annotation 
of the prefent chapter, except where it 
is defirable to call notice to the fpecial 
bearing any particular affertion made 
may be fuppofed to have had on Arch- 
bifhop Laud's idiofyncrafies. 

2 " Teaching in the church publicly," 
was, it will be remembered, one of the 

1 The character of the New Canaan 
as a political pamphlet of the time, in- 
tended to effect a given refult in a par- 
ticular quarter, has already been referred 
to. {Supra, pp. 68-9.) In this refpect 
the prefent chapter is the moft fignificant 
one in the book. It was intended to act 
on the well-known prejudices of Arch- 
bifhop Laud, the head and controlling 
fpirit of that Board of Lords Commif- 
fioners of Foreign Plantations which 
then had fupreme authority over the 
colonies. To that Board Morton ded- 
icated his book ; and at the time he was 
writing it the Lords Commiffioners, and 
efpecially the Archbifhop, were taking 
aclive meafures to vacate the Maffachu- 
fetts charter and to aiTume the direct 
government of the colonies. It is its 
connection with thefe fafts which alone 
gives any great degree of hiflorical value 
to the prefent chapter. In itfelf it is 
not deferving of careful annotation, as 
it contains nothing that is new, and the 
ground is much better covered by Lech- 
ford in his Plaine Dealing. Like Mor- 
ton, Lechford was a lawyer; and, unlike 
Morton, he was by nature a devout 
man. A member of the Church of Eng- 
land he has given in his book a remark- 
ably vivid and fair-minded defcription 
of the practice of the New England 

offences charged againft Winflow before 
the Lords Commiffioners at the hearing 
of 1634, for which, at Archbifliop Laud's 
" vehement importunity," he was com- 
mitted to the Fleet. {Supra, 69 ; Proc. 
Mafs. Hi/l. Soc., 1860-2, p. 131.) On 
the real practice of the New England 
churches in regard to the exercife of 
their gifts by lay members, fee Plaine 
Dealing, p. 42. 

3 " I fuppofe the firft preacher that 
ever thus preached with notes in our 
New-England was the Reverend War- 
ham." (Magnolia, B. in. part 2, ch. 
xviii.) In regard to John Warham, 
firft of Dorchefter and fubfequently of 


New Engli/Ji Canaan. 



oyle, and there muft be no fuch unfavery perfume admitted 
to come into the congregation. 

Thefe are all publike preachers. There is amongft thefe 
people a Deakoneffe, made of the fillers, that ufes her guifts 
at home in an affembly of her fexe, by way of repetition or 
exhortation : 1 fuch is their pracrife. ^, 

Windfor, Connecticut, fee Dr. Young's 
note in Chron. of Mafs., p. 347. 

1 There probably never was any reg- 
ularly chofen deaconefs in New Eng- 
land. The office was recognized as 
having come down from the primitive 
churches (Dexter's Congregationalifn, 
p. 69) ; and Robert Browne in his defi- 
nitions, in the Life and Manners of all 
true Chriflians, fays : " The widow is a 
perfon having office of God to pray for 
the church, and to vifit and minifter to 
thofe which are afflicted and diftreffed 
in the church ; for the which lhe is tried 
and received as meet." (Bacon's Gen- 
cjis of the A T ew England Churches, p. 
84.) Bradford in his Dialogue, written 
in 1648, fpeaking of the Separatift church 
at Amfterdam, fays, that befides the paf- 
tor, teacher, elders and deacons, there 
was '• one ancient widow for a deacon- 
efs, who did them fervice many years, 
though the was fixty years of age when 
fhe was chofen. She honored her place 
and was an ornament to the congre- 
gation. She ufually fat in a convenient 
place in the congregation, with a little 
birchen rod in her hand, and kept little 
children in great awe from dilturbing 
the congregation. She did frequently 
vifit the fick and weak, efpecially wom- 
en, and, as there was need, called out 
maids and young women to watch and 
do them other helps as their neceffity 
did require; and if they were poor, fhe 
would gather relief for them of thofe 
that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; 
and fiie was obeyed as a mother in 

Ifrael and an officer of Chrift." (Young's 
Chron. of Pilg-, p. 455-) It would be 
inferred from the paffage quoted that 
there had in 1648 never been a deacon- 
efs in the Plymouth church, as in this 
Dialogue the old men are fuppofed to 
be defcribing to the young men events 
ftrange to the latter, as having occurred 
long before. Lechford fays, fpeaking of 
the Mafiachufetts colony : " No church 
there has a Deaconefie, as far as I 
know." (P/aine Dealing, pp. 24, 40 ) 
" I have not met with an infiance of 
[the] actual inftitution [of the office of 
deaconefs] in New England." (Pal- 
frey, vol. ii. p. 37, note.) 

It does not feem, however, to have 
been even theoretically one of the func- 
tions of the deaconefs "to ufe her gifts 
at home," as Morton fays, "in an af- 
fembly of her fex, by way of repetition, 
or exhortation." This would rather 
have pertained to the office of teacher. 
Meetings of females, fuch as thofe de- 
fcribed, were held in the parifhes during 
the early days, and played an important 
part in the Antinomian controverfy. 
The deaconefs did not, however, offi- 
ciate at them. The character of thefe 
meetings appears in the following paf- 
fage at the trial of Mrs. Hutchinfon : 

" Court. . . . What fay you to your 
weekly public meetings ? Can you find 
a warrant for them ? 

Mrs. Hutchinson. I will fhow you 
how I took it up. There were fuch 
meetings in ufe before I came ; and 
becaufe I went to none of them, this 


324 New Englifh Canaan. 

The Paftor, (before hee is allowed of,) muft. difclaime his 
former calling to the Miniftry, as hereticall ; and take a new 
calling after their fantafticall inventions : and then hee is 
admitted to bee their Paftor. 

The manner of difclaimeing is, to renounce his calling 
with bitter execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore 
lived in it: and after his new election, there is great joy con- 
ceaved at his commiffion. 1 

And theire Paflors have this preheminence above the 
Civile Maodftrate : Hee muft firft confider of the com- 
plaint made againfl a member: and if hee be difpofed to 
give the partie complained of an admonition, there is no 
more to be faid: if not; Hee delivers him over to the 
Magiftrate to deale with him in a courfe of Iuftice, according 
to theire practife in cafes of that nature. 3 qc 

was the fpecial reafon of my taking up felf. Neither do you teach them that 

this courfe. We began it with but five which the Apoftle commands, viz : to 

or fix, and, though it grew to more in fu- keep at home. 

ture time, yet, being tolerated at the firft, Mrs. H. Will you pleafe to give me 

I knew not why it might not continue. a rule againft it, and I will yield. 

Court. There were private meet- Court. You muft have a rule for it, 

ings indeed, and are ftill in many places, or elfe you cannot do it in faith. Yet 

ofTome few neighbors ; but not fo pub- you have a plain rule againft it, — •' I 

lie and frequent as yours; and are of fuffer not a woman to teach.' (I. Tim. 

ufe for increafe of love and mutual edi- ii. 12.) 

fication. But yours are of another na- Mrs. H. That is meant of teaching 

ture. If they had been fuch as yours men." 

they had been evil, and therefore no (Weld's Short Story, pp. 34~5-) See 

good warrant to juftify yours. But an- alfo the verfion to the fame effecT; in 

fwer by what authority or rule you up- Hutchinfon's Majjfachnfetts, vol. ii. pp. 

hold them ? 4§4-7- 

Mrs. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the 1 Supra, 262, note 3, and 306, note 3. 

elder women are to teach the younger. The effe£t fuch a ftatement as that in 

Court. So we allow you to do, as the text would have upon Archbifhop 

the Apoftle there means, privately and Laud is apparent. The real practice of 

upon occafion. But that gives no war- the early New England churches in the 

rant of fuch fet meetings for that pur- matter of ordination can be found in the 

pofe. And, befides, you take upon you Plaine Dealing, pp. 13, 16, 17. 

to teach many that are older than your- 2 " There hath been fome difference 


New Englifh Canaan. 325 

* Of thefe paftors I have not knowne many : 1 fome * 1 74 
I have obferved together with theire carriage in New 
Canaan, and can informe you what opinion hath bin con- 
ceaved of theire conditions in the perticuler. There is one 
who, (as they give it out there that thinke they fpeake it to 
advaunce his worth,) has bin expected to exercife his gifts in 
an aflembly that flayed his comming, in the middeft of his 
Iorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous medita- 
tion,) and was 4. miles paft the place appointed before hee 
came to himfelfe, or did remember where abouts hee went. 
And how much thefe things are different from the actions of 
mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man to judge ; and 
if I mould fay they are all much alike, they that have feene 
and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee alto- 

Now, for as much as by the practife of theire Church every 


about jurifdictions, or cognizance of the great contentment of the hearers, and 

caufes : Some have held that, in caufes their comfortable edification." (Young's 

betweene brethren of the Church, the Chron. of Pilg., p. 467 ; Bradford, pp. 

matter fhould be firft told the Church, 187-8.) In the fummer of 1628, but 

before they goe to the civill Magiftrate, after Morton had been fent to England, 

becaufe all caufes in difference doe Allerton brought over Mr. Rogers as a 

amount, one way or other, to a matter preacher, who foon proved to be " crafed 

of offence ; and that all criminall matters in his braine" (Bradford, p. 243), and the 

concerning Church members, fhould be next feafon was fent home. In the au- 

firft heard by the Church. But thefe tumn, apparently, of 1629, and while 

opinioniits are held, by the wifer fort, Morton may have been at Plymouth at 

not to know the dangerous iffues and Allerton's houfe {lb. p. 253), before his 

confequences of fuch tenets." (Plaine final return to Mount Wollafton, the 

Dealing, p. 34.) Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over 

1 There was no minifter at Plymouth with Skelton and Higginfon in the pre- 

in the fpring of 1628, when Morton was vious June (Young's Chron. of Mafs., 

there. William Brewfter was the ruling p. 151), was found at Nantafket and 

elder in the church and officiated in its brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford, 

pulpit, where, from the beginning, he p. 263.) He was not, however, chofen 

had " taught twice every fabbath, and into the miniftry there until a later time, 

that both powerfully and profitably, to (/#.) It is unlikely that Morton here 


326 New Englifh Canaan. 

Lewes the 
II. fc nt a 
Barber Em- 

T/ie Embaf- 
fage de/pifed 

Elder or Deacon may preach, it is not amiffe to difcover their 

practife in that perticuler, before I part with them. 1 

It has bin an old faying, and a true, what is bred in the 

bone will not out of the flefli, nor the ftepping into the 

pulpit that can make the perfon fitt for the imployment. 

The unfitnes of the perfon undertaking to be the MeiTenger 

has brought a blemifh upon the meffage, as in the time of 

Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced 

his Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent 

titles), made him fo prefumptuous to undertake an Embaf- 

fage to treat with forraine princes of Civile affaires. 

But what was the iffue ? Hee behaved himfelfe fo 

* 175 * unworthily, (yet as well as his breeding would give 

him leave,) that both the Meffenger and the meffage 

were defpifed ; and had not hee, (being difcovered,) conveyed 

himfelfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for 

his barbarous prefumption. 2 c , 

1 L Socrates 

refers to Plymouth perfonages. He was 
at Salem in 1629 (Supra, 306), and in 
Bofton, where as a prifoner he was un- 
doubtedly made regularly to attend di- 
vine fervice, from early September to 
the end of December, 1630. (Supra, 
45 ; Young's Chron. of Mafs., p. 321.) 
At Salem he had come in contacl with 
Skelton and Higginfon ; and it has 
been feen (Supra, 300, note 1) that he 
probably knew fomething of Francis 
Bright of Charleftown. The only other 
minifters then in the colony were John 
Warham and John Maverick at Dor- 
chefier, George Phillips at Watertown, 
and John Wilfon at Bofton. 

1 It is fcarcely neceffary to point out 
that the three following pages are largely 
the fruit of Morton's imaginative pow- 
ers, and were intended for the fpecial 
edification of Archbifhop Laud. As 

Plymouth was much lefs well fupplied 
with preachers than the towns of the 
Maffachufetts colony, it is altogether 
probable — as Dr. John Eliot furmifed, 
in his review of the New Canaan, in the 
Monthly Anthology for July, 18 10 — 
the alluvions to the church-practifes in 
this chapter found their largeft bafis of 
fa<5l in incidents which Morton had been 
a witnefs of in the Plymouth meeting- 
houfe. It is fafe to add, however, that 
he could have had no agreeable recollec- 
tions of the meeting-houfes at Bofton 
and Charleftown. 

2 Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis 
XL, created by him Comte de Meulan, 
and fent in 1477 on a confidential mif- 
fion to Mary of Burgundy at Ghent. 
The account of his experiences is to be 
found in the Memoires de Commines, 
L. v. ch. xiv. 

New Englifli Canaan. 327 

Socrates fayes, loquere tit te videam. If a man obferve 
thefe people in the exercife of their gifts, hee may thereby 
difcerne the tincture of their proper calling, the affes eares 
will peepe through the lyons hide. I am forry they cannot 
difcerne their owne infirmities. I will deale fairely with 
them, for I will draw their pictures cap a pe, that you may 
difcerne them plainely from head to foote in their poftures, 
that fo much bewitch, (as I may fpeake with modefty,) thefe 
illiterate people to be fo fantafticall, to take Ionas tafke 1 
upon them without fufficient warrant. 

One fteps up like the Minifter of Iuftice with the ballance a Grocer. 
onely, not the fword for feare of affrighting his auditory. 
Hee poynts at a text, and handles it as evenly as hee can ; 
and teaches the auditory, that the thing hee has to deliver 
mull be well waied, for it is a very pretious thing, yes, much 
more pretious then gold or pearle : and hee will teach them 
the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth ; that 
a man would fuppofe hee and his auditory were to part 
ftakes by the fcale ; and the like diftribution they have ufed 
about a bag pudding. 

Another, (of a more cutting difpofition,) fteps in his fteed ; a Taylor. 
and hee takes a text, which hee divides into many parts : (to 
fpeake truly) as many as hee lift. The fag end of it hee 
pares away, as a fuperfluous remnant. 

# Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will * 176 
make a garment for them, and teach them how they 
fhall put it on ; and incourages them to be in love with it, 
for it is of fuch a fafhion as doth beft become a Chriftian 


1 Supra, 302, note I. 

328 New Engli/Ii Canaan, 

man. Hee will affuer them that it fhall be armor of proffe 

againft all affaults of Satan. This garment, (fayes hee,) is 

not compofed as the garments made by a carnall man, that 

are fowed with a hot needle and a burning thread ; but it is 

a garment that mall out laft all the garments : and, if they 

will make ufe of it as hee mail direct them, they fhall be 

able, (like faint George,) to terrifie the greate Dragon, error ; 

and defend truth, which error with her wide chaps would 

devoure : whofe mouth mall be filled with the fhredds and 

parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting 


a Tapjkr. A third, hee fupplies the rome : and in the exercife of his 

guifts begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine 

that has in it no dreggs of popery. This fhall proove unto 

you, (fays hee,) the Cup of repentance : it is not like unto 

the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who will make men drunk 

with the dreggs thereof : It is filled up to the brim with 

comfortable Joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to 

a fick foule, fayes hee. And fo hee handles the matter as 

if hee dealt by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and 

Froth. 1 A 


1 I am indebted to Mr. Lindfay Swift, ' We mutt be running up and downe 

of the Bofton Public Library, for the With Cannes of beere (malt fod in fifhes 

following explanation of this, to me, broth), -.,,,., . , , 

very perplexing allufion : "Nic, or, more Ancl tho ! e the Y fa Y are fil d wlth mck and 

correctly, nick, — namely, 'a raifed or froth> (Rowland's Knave of Harts.) 

indented bottom in a beer- can, by « From the nick and froth of a penny pot- 

which the cuftomers were cheated, the houfe.' (Fletcher.) 
nick below ancl the froth above filling 

up part of the meafure.' I take this < Our pots were full quartcd 

definition from Wright's Bic1iona?y of We were not thus thwarted 

Obfolete and Provincial Englifh. That With froth-cannc and nick-pot, 

,, J rr ° J „ .. And fuch nimble quick ihot.' 

the expreffion was a common one the , . „ ,,,,,,.* j- 

following quotations prove : - (Spurious lines added to Rand s 1624 edi- 

° n r tion of Skelton s Elynour Rnmmynge.) 


New Engli/Ji Canaan, 329 

An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way a Cobter. 
to worke with his auditory ; and exhorts them to walke 
upright, in the way of their calling, and not, (like 
carnall men,) tread awry. And if they fhould * fayle * 177 
in the performance of that duety, yet they mould 
feeke for amendement whiles it was time ; and tells them it 
would bee to late to feek for help when the (hop windowes 
were fhutt up : and pricks them forward with a freindly 
admonition not to place theire delight in worldly pleafures, 
which will not laft, but in time will come to an end; but 
fo to handle the matter that they may be found to wax 
better and better, and then they fhall be doublely rewarded 
for theire worke : and fo clofes up the matter in a comfort- 
able manner. 

But ftay : Here is one ftept up in hafte, and, (being not 
minded to hold his auditory in expectation of any long 
difcourfe,) hee takes a text ; and, (for brevities fake,) divides 
it into one part : and then runnes fo faft a fore with the 
matter, that his auditory cannot follow him. Doubtles his 
Father was fome Irifh footeman; 1 by his fpeede it feemes a very pate 
fo. And it may be at the howre of death, the fonne, being rick ' 
prefent, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to 
Pithagoras,) 2 and fo the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete 


Moft of this information I have taken ufe, and to notify innkeepers of the 

from Nares's Gloffary and Halliwell- coming: guefts. They carried long poles 

Philhpps's Diclionary of Archaic and to affift them in clearing obftacles, and 

Provincial Words, fecond edition." to help pry the carriages out of the 

1 The reference here is apparently to floughs in which they frequently got 

the running footmen much in ufe in the ftuck. (Brewer's Dift. of Phrafe and 

eighteenth century, and alfo, judging by Fable, p. 773 ; Macaulay's England, 

the text, as early as the reign of Charles vol. i. pp. 374-8.) 

I. Their duty was to run before and 2 It was one of the doctrines of Py- 

alongfide the cumbrous coaches then in thagoras that the fouls of the dying 


S3° New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

being infufed into his braines, might make his tongue out- 
runne his wit. 

Well, if you marke it, thefe are fpeciall gifts indeede : 
which the vulgar people are fo taken with, that there is no 
perfwading them that it is fo ridiculous. 

This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they purfue : 
This that comes without premeditation ; This is the Supar- 
lative : and hee that does not approove of this, they fay is a 

very reprobate. 
* 178 * Many vn warrantable Tenents they have likewife : 
fome of which being come to my knowledge I wil 
here fet downe : one wherof, being in publicke praclife 
maintained, is more notorious then the reft. I will therefore 
beginne with that, and convince them of manifeft error by 
the maintenance of it, which is this : 
Tenenti. That it is the Magiftrates office abfolutely, (and not the 
Minfters,) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony. 1 And 


pafTed into the air, and thence into the riage here referred to was that of Ed- 
living bodies of other men, taking con- ward Winflow to Mrs. Sufannah White, 
trolling poffeffion of them. That the It took place in May, Window's wife 
nimblenefs of the father's feet might having died feven weeks before, and 
thus account for the volubility of the Mrs. White's hufband, William, twelve 
fon's tongue is, it is needlefs to fay, a weeks before. That he had married 
purely Mortonian deduction. people was, it will be remembered, the 
1 "May 12. [1621] was the firft mar- other of the two charges advanced 
iage in this place, which, according to againft Winflow himfelf, at the Privy 
the laudable cuftome of the Low-Coun- Council hearing juft referred to. {Supra, 
tries, in which they had lived, was 322, note 2.) The practice of civil mar- 
thought moft requifite to be performed riage already prevailed in the Maffachu- 
bythe magiftrate, as being a civill thing, fetts colony alfo, as, a week before the 
upon which manyqueftions aboute inher- arreft of Morton was ordered, Governor 
itances doe depende, with other things Endicott. on Auguft 18, 1630, was mar- 
moft proper to their cognizans, and moft ried, at Charleftown apparently, " by the 
confonante to the fcripturs. Ruth 4. governourand Mr.Wilfon." (Winthrop, 
and no wher found in the gofpell to be vol. i. p. *30. See alfo Plaine Dealing, 
layed on the minifters as a part of their pp. 86-7.) There are few more edifying 
office." (Bradford, p. 101.) The mar- examples of the cafuiftical fkill of Win- 

New Englifh Canaan. 

1 1 T 

JO l 

for this they vouch the Hiltory of Ruth, faying Boas was 
married to Ruth in prefence of the Elders of the people. 
Herein they miftake the fcope of the text. 

2. That it is a relique of popery to make ufe of a ring in 
marriage : and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to 
daunce in. 1 

3. That the purification ufed for weomen after delivery 
is not to be ufed. 2 

4. That no child mall be baptifed whofe parents are not 
receaved into their Church firm 3 That 

throp and his affociates than is afforded 
by his method of dealing with the ques- 
tion of civil marriages, as explained in 
detail in his Joicrnal (vol. i. p. *323). 
" In our church difcipline, and in mat- 
ters of marriage, to make a law that 
marriages fhould not be folemnized by 
minifters is repugnant to the laws of 
England ; but to bring it to a cuftom by 
practice for the magiftrates to perform 
it, is no law made repugnant, etc." The 
charter of 1629 empowered the General 
Court of the colony "to make, ordeine, 
and eftablifhe all Manner of wholefome 
and reafonable Orders, Lavves, Statutes, 
and Ordinances, Directions, and In- 
ftruclions, not contrary to the Lavves of 
theis our Realme of England." (Hazard, 
vol. i. p. 252.) 

1 At the conference between the Bifh- 
ops and the Puritans, held in prefence 
of James I. at Hampton Court in Janu- 
ary, 1603, one of the practices of the 
Englifh Church efpecially excepted to 
as a "relique of popery" by Dr. John 
Reynolds, the fpokefman of the Puri 
tans, was the ring in marriage. (Neal's 
Hiji. of Puritans, vol. ii. p. 42.) Among 
the reafons urged againft its ufe I have 
not elfewhere found the "diabolical 
circle" argument. It feems rather to 

have been affociated in the Puritan 
mind with the Romifh traditions. 
(Jones's Finger- Ring Lore, pp. 2S8-90.) 
This count, in Morton's indictment, 
was bafed on good grounds. "In the 
Weddings of [early] New England the 
ring makes none of the ceremonies." 
(Mather's Ratio Difcipline, p. 116.) 

2 This refers to churching practice of 
the Englifh Church. At the Hampton 
Court conference, referred to in the 
preceding note, another of the " reliques 
of popery," fpecifically excepted to by 
Dr. Reynolds, was " the churching of 
women by the name oi purification.'''' 

3 This count in the indictment was 
well laid. The children of the non-com- 
municants in early New England could 
not be baptized ; though they might be 
if either one of the parents was a mem- 
ber of the church. At a later period this 
became one of the leading caufes of polit- 
ical agitation in the colony, and is re- 
ferred to in the Dr. Robert Childs peti- 
tion of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to 
five fixths of the adult male inhabitants 
of Maffachufetts were without the fran- 
chife, as being non-communicants. 
(Lechford's Plaine Dealing, pp. 47, 48, 
151; Mem. Hifl. of Boflon, vol. i. p. 1 56 ; 
Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. 41.) 

S3 2 New Englifli Canaan. 

5. That no perfon Ihall be admitted to the Sacrament of 
the Lords fupper that is without. 1 

6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll : and all 

that ufe it, Idolaters. 2 —, 

' 7. That 

1 Supra, 316, note 2. 

2 This was the favorite epithet em- 
ployed by the early reformers in refer- 
ring to the Mafs. Calvin called it " an 
execrable idol;" Hooper, "a wicked 
idol." Bradford — not Governor Wil- 
liam, but John, the Smithneld martyr of 
Queen Mary's time — terms it an "abom- 
inable idol of bread ; " and again, " the 
horribleft and moll deteftable device 
that ever the devil brought out by man." 
Bland, retlor of Adifhan, repeated the 
familiar figure, calling it a " moll blaf- 
phemous idol ; " and Latimer improved 
upon this by adding the words, "full of 
idolatry, blafphemy, facrilege againfl 
God and the dear facrifice of His Chrill." 
(Blunt's Reformation of the Church of 
Eng., vol. ii. pp. 399-402.) The deriva- 
tion of the Book of Common Prayer, in 
many of its parts, from the Miffal was 
unmiflakable ; and naturally the next 
race of religious reformers applied to 
the former the fame earned epithets of 
theological diffent which had before 
been applied to the latter. Accordingly, 
in Barrowe's Brief Difcovery of tlie Falfe 
Church, we find the Book of Common 
Prayer referred to as " a deteftable idol, 
. . . old rotten fluff . . . abftra<5led out 
of the pope's blafphemous mafs-book, 
... an abominable and loathfome fac- 
rifice in the fight of God, even as a 
dead dog." Barrowe was one of the 
three Separatift martyrs, and as fuch 
held in deepefl veneration at Plymouth. 
(Young's Citron, of Pilg., pp. 427-34.) 
The Book of Common Prayer was there- 
fore undoubtedly looked upon and re- 
ferred to at Plymouth as Morton fays. 
Indeed, the Lyford fchifm was in fome 

degree due to its ufe. (Bradford, p. 181.) 
That it was, in the early days, alfo fo 
looked upon and fo referred to at Salem 
and at Bofton, is not clear. It is true 
that in 1629 it was again the caufe of 
the Browne diflenfion at Salem (Young's 
Chron. of Mafs., p. 287), in confequence 
of which Skelton and Higginfon both 
declared openly "that they came away 
from the Common Prayer and ceremo- 
nies, . . . and therefore, being in a place 
where they might have their liberty, 
they neither could nor would ufe them, 
becaufe they judged the impofition of 
thefe things to be finful corruptions in 
the worfliip of God." (Morton's Me- 
morial, p. 147.) The Puritans of Bof- 
ton, however, were not Separatifts, and 
it is open to queflion whether they at 
firft felt towards the Common Prayer 
as the Plymouth people felt towards it, 
and as Morton fays. In 1640 Governor 
Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing 
worthy of obfervation that his fon " hav- 
ing many books in a chamber where 
there was corn of divers forts, had among 
them one wherein the Greek teftament, 
the pfalms and the common prayer were 
bound together. He found the common 
prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it, 
and not any of the two other touched, 
nor any other of his books, though they 
were above a thoufand." (Winthrop, 
vol. ii. p. *2o.) When Governor Win- 
throp tried and fentenced Morton, how- 
ever, he was anxious to preferve his 
connection with the Church of England, 
and it is very doubtful whether he then 
looked upon its Book of Prayer as " an 
idol." (Proc. Mafs. Hifl. Soc, vol. xviii. 
p. 296.) 


New Englifh Canaan. 333 

7. That every man is bound to beleeve a profeffor upon 
his bare affirmation onely, before a Proteflant upon oath. 

8. That no perfon hath any right to Gods creatures, but 
Gods children onely, who are themfelves : and that all 
others are but ufurpers of the Creatures. 

9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and 
commonwealth, they are to neglect father, mother and all 

* 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church ^179 
difcipline, as if that were the moft effentiall part of 
their Religion. Tythes are banifhed from thence, all except 
the tyth of Mint and Commin. 1 

11. They differ from us fomething in the creede too, for 
if they get the goods of one, that is without, into their hands, 


As one count in Morton's indictment Winflow's imprifonment for having per- 

of the people of New England, that in formed the marriage ceremony. {Supra, 

the text now under consideration was 69, 93.) 

not only iufficiently well founded, but it l " Woe unto you, fcribes and Phari- 
was peculiarly calculated to excite Arch- fees, hypocrites ! for ye pay tithe of mint 
bifhop Laud's anger. It is unneceffary and anife and cummin, and have omit- 
to fay that he was the fpecial champion ted the weightier matters of the law, 
of the Church of England ritual. To judgment, mercy, and faith." (Matt. 
enforce exait. conformity to it he re- xxiii. 23.) 

garded as his miffion. When the " But woe unto you, Pharifees ! for 

mips loaded with emigrants for New ye tithe mint and rue and all manner of 

England were, in March, 1634, flopped herbs, and pafs over judgment and the 

in the Thames by order of the Privy love of God." (Luke xi. 42.) 

Council, they were not allowed to pro- The Significance of the text referred 

ceed on their voyage until the mafters to lay, of courfe, in Morton's mind, ra- 

bound themfelves to have the Book of ther in its indirect than its direct appli- 

Common Prayer ufed at morning and cation, — more in its denunciatory than 

evening fervice during the voyage, in its contributory portions. The clergy 

(Council Regifler, Feb. 21, 28, 1634; in early Maffachufetts were Supported 

Gardiner's Charles /., vol. ii. p. 23.) by the voluntary contributions in Bof- 

This was Laud's act, and it is more ton, and by a regular town- tax levy out- 

than probable that he was as much in- fide of Bofton. (Plaine Dealitig, pp. 

fluenced by Morton on that occafion as 48-50; Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc, 1860-2, 

he was fubfequently in the matter of p. 116.) 

334 New Englifh Canaan. 

hee fhall be kept without remedy for any fatisfaclion : and 
they beleeve that this is not cofenage. 1 

12. And laftly they differ from us in the manner of 
praying ; for they winke 2 when they pray, becaufe they thinke 
themfelves fo perfect, in the highe way to heaven that they 
can find it blindfould : fo doe not I. 8 

Chap. XXVIII. 

Of their Policy in publik Iuftice. 

NOw that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of 
this Politique Commonwealth, the head and the infe- 
rior members, I will fhew you the hart, and reade a fhort 
leclure over that too ; which is Iuftice. , 

1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. 

2 "Wink, v. n. 1. to fhut the eyes. 
obs." ( Worcejler. ) 

3 Edward Howes, in writing from 
London to John Winthrop, Jr., in No- 
vember, 1632, defcribes how, on going 
home at noon one clay, he met the maf- 
ter of a veffel which had juft arrived 
from New England, together with three 
others who had come over with him. 
The mafter paffing into the houfe on 
fome matter of bufinefs, Howes had a 
talk with one of the other men, whom 
he defcribes as an " egregious knave." 
The report given by this man of the 
Maffachufetts community ftrikingly re- 
fembles that given by Morton in this 
chapter. He would, writes Howes, 
"give none of you a good word, but the 
governor [Winthrop] ; he was a good 
man and kept a good table, but all the 
reft were Hereticks, and they would be 

more holy than all the world ; they 
would be a peculiar people to God, but 
go to the Devil ; that one man with you 
being at coufeffion, as he called it, laid 
he believed his father and mother and 
anceftors went all to Hell ; and that 
your preachers, in their public prayers, 
pray for the governor before they pray 
for our king and ftate ; . . . that you 
never ufe the Lord's prayer ; that your 
minifters marry none ; that fellows which 
keep hogs all the week preach on the 
Sabbath; that every town in your plan- 
tation is of a feveral religion ; that you 
count all men in England, yea all out 
of your church, in the ftate of damna- 
tion. But 1 believe and know better 
things of you ; but here you may partly 
fee how the Devil ftirs up his inftru- 
ments." (iv. Mafs. Hijl. Col., vol. vi. 
P- 485) 

New Englifli Canaan. 335 

I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty M r . 
Temperwell ; and I have my choife whether I fliall make 
my plaint in a cafe of confcience, or bring it with in the 
Compas of a point in law. And becaufe I will goe the fureft 
way to worke, at firft, I will fee how others are anfwered in 
the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, as the Iudge 
did the Countryman. 1 

Here comes M r . Hopewell : his petition is in a cafe of 
confcience, (as hee fayes.) But, fee, great Iofua allowes 
confcience to be of his fide : yet cuts him off with 
this anfwere ; Law is flat againft him. Well let * me * 180 
fee another. I marry : Here comes one Matter Doubt- 
not : his matter depends, (I am fure,) upon a point in Law : 
alas, what will it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is 
on his fide : but Confcience, like a blanket, over fpreades it. 
This paffage is like to the Procuftes of Roome, mee thinks ; 
and therefore I may very well fay of them, 

Evenfo, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head> 
Procuftes fitted all his guefts unto his Iron bedd. 

And, if thefe fpeede no better, with whome they are freinds, 
that neither finde Law nor Confcience to helpe them, I doe 
not wonder to fee mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount fpeede fo ill, 
that has bin proclaimed an enemy fo many yeares in New 
Canaan to their Church and State. 

Chapter XXIX. 

1 Mr. Swift {Supra, 328, note) fug- Turfe anfwers him : 
gefts that Morton here alludes to the "I put it 

fcene in Ben Jonfon's Tale of a Tub Even to your worfhip's bitterment, hab, 
(act iv. fc. 1), where Juftice Preamble nab." 

^ a y s : Here the Countryman makes the re- 

" And what fay you now. neighbor Turfe ? " mark, and not the Juftice ; but a wholly 


336 New Englifli Canaan. 

Chap. XXIX. 

How mine Hojl was put into a whales belly. 

THe Seperatifls, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount 
they could not get any fhipp to undertake the carriage 
of mine Hoft from thence, either by faire meanes or fowle,) 
they were inforced, (contrary to their expectation,) to be 
troubled with his company : 1 and by that meanes had time 
to confider more of the man, then they had done of the 
matter: wherein at length it was difcovered that they, (by 
meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in 
England of the matter, and the falie Care6ler of the man,) 
had runne themfelves headlonge into an error, and had done 

that on a fodaine which they repented at leafure, but 
# 181 could not tell which way to help it * as it flood now. 

They could debate upon it and efpecially upon two 
difficult points, whereof one muft be concluded upon : If 
they fent mine Hoft away by banifhment, hee is in poffibil- 
ity to furvive, to their difgrace for the injury clone : if they 
furler him to flay, and put him in Jlatu quo prius, all the 
vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rafhe in 
burning a howfe that was ufefull, and count them men 

So that it feemes, (by theire difcourfe about the matter,) 
they flood betwixt Hawke and Buffard : and could not tell 


correct allufion by Morton is not to be is probably derived from habbe, nabbe, 

looked for. {Supra, 123, note 2.) The — "to have or not to have." (See 

meaning of /tab, nab is, of courfe, "hit Nares's Glojfary.) 

or mifs, at a venture, at random," and ' Sttftra, 44-5. 

New Engli/Ii Canaa,7i. 337 

which hand to incline unto. They had founded him fecret- 
ly : hee was content with it, goe which way it would. Nay 
Shackles 1 himfelfe, (who was imployed in the burning of the 
howfe, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) and 
others were fo forward in putting mine Hofl in Jiatu quo 
firius, after they had found their error, (which was fo appa- 
rent that Luceus eies would have ferved to have found it 
out in leffe time,) that they would contribute 40. (hillings a 
peece towards it ; and affirmed, that every man according to 
his ability that had a hand in this black defigne fhould be 
taxed to a Contribution in like nature : it would be done 

Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by 
fome of thofe partys to have bin the upfhot,) unexpected, 
(in the depth of winter, when all fhipps were gone out of 
the land,) in comes M r . Wethercock, a proper Mariner ; and, 
they faid, he could obferve the winde : blow it high, blow it 
low, hee was refolved to lye at Hull 2 rather than incounter 
fuch a florme as mine Hofl had met with : and this was a 
man for their turne. 

* Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they *i82 
(who hee knew had a flrong purfe, and his confcience 
waited on the firings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would 
beare him out in it: which they profeffed they would. 
Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Hofl by one meanes 


1 Supra, 319, note. (Proc. Mafs. Hijl. Soc. 1871-3, p. 397), 

2 By the General Court of May, 1644, think it was fo called from Hull in 
it was ordered, that " Nantafcot fhall Yorkfhire. It would appear from the 
be called Hull." {Records, vol. ii. p. 74.) text that it had been locally known by 
Mr. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop that name among the "old planters" 
(vol. ii. p. *I75), and Mr. Whitmore before the fettlement of Bolton. 

33& New Engli/Ii Canaan. 

or another. They gave him the beft meanes they could, 
according to the prefent condition of the worke, and letters 
of credence to the favoures of that Seel; in England ; with 
which, (his bufines there being done, and his fhipp cleared,) 
hee hoyft the Sayles and put to Sea : fince which time mine 
Holt has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Coun- 
fell table : where now Sub iudice lis eft. 

Chap. XXX. 

Of Sir Chrijlopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee Jpedd 
among/l the Seperatifts. 

Sir Chriftopher Gardiner, 1 (a Knight, that had bin a trav 
eller both by Sea and Land ; a good judicious gentle- 
man in the Mathematticke and other Sciences ufefull for 
Plantations, Kimiftry, &c. and alfo being a pradicall Engi- 
ner,) came into thofe parts, intending difcovery. 

But the Seperatifts love not thofe good parts, when they 
proceede from a carnall man, (as they call every good Prot- 
teftant) ; in fhorte time [they] had found the meanes to pick 
a quarrell with him. The meanes is that they purfue to 
obtaine what they aime at : the word is there, the meanes. 
So that, when they finde any man like to proove an 


1 Sir Chriftopher Gardiner fuddenly Chriftopher, and " how hee fpedd 

appeared in Maftachufetts in May, 1630, amongft the Seperatifts," for infertion 

and returned to England in 1632, ar- at this point ; but the fubject developed 

riving there in Auguft. He is fuppofed on my hands until it affumed the fhape 

to have come out as an agent, or emif- of a ftudy by itfelf. It can be found in 

fary, of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had the Proceedings of the Mafs. Hijl. Soc. 

begun the preparation of a note on Sir for January, 1883, vol. xx. 

New Engli/Ji Canaan, 339 

enemy to their Church and ftate, then ftraight * the * 183 
meanes muft be ufed for defence. The firft precept 
in their Politiques is to defame the man at whom they aime, 
and then hee is a holy Ifraelite in their opinions who can 
fpread that fame brodeft, like butter upon a loafe : no mat- 
ter how thin, it will ferve for a vaile : and then this man, 
(who they have thus depraved,) is a fpotted uncleane leaper : 
hee muft out, lead hee pollute the Land, and them that are 

If this be one of their guif ts, then Machevill l had as good 
gifts as they. Let them raife a fcandall on any, though 
never fo innocent, yet they know it is never wiped cleane 
out : the ftaind marks remaines ; which hath bin well 
obferved by one in thefe words of his, 

Stick Candles gainft a Virgin walls white back ; 
If they 7 not burne yet, at the leaft, they 7 black. 

And thus they dealt with Sir Chriftopher : and plotted by 
all the wayes and meanes they could, to overthrow his 
undertakings in thofe parts. 

And therefore I cannot chufe but conclude that thefe 
Seperatifts have fpeciall gifts : for they are given to envy 
and mallice extremely. 

The knowledge of their defamacion could not pleafe the 
gentleman well, when it came to his eare ; which would 
caufe him to make fome reply, as they fuppofed, to take 


1 Machiavelli died in 1527, and The " Nick Machiavel had ne'er a trick, 

Prince was publifhed in 1532. The re- (Tho' he gave his name to our old Nick.)" 

putation of the man and of the book {Hudibras, p. in. can. i. lines 1313-4.) 

were as well eftablifhed in Morton's This derivation is not accepted by the 

day as they are now. authorities. See Brewer's Did?., p. 61 4. 

34° New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

exceptions at, as they did againft Faire cloath: 1 and this 
would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the coale, and 
fo to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country 
too, and fend him after mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount. 

They take occafion, (fome of them,) to come to his 
howfe when hee was gone up into the Country, and 
* 184 # (finding hee was from home,) fo went to worke that 
they left him neither howfe nor habitation nor fer- 
vant, nor any thing to help him, if hee fhould retorne : but 
of that they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was 
gone, (as they affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that 
caufe tooke no company with him : and they having confid- 
ered of the matter, thought it not fit that any fuch man 
fhould live in fo remoate a place, within the Compas of their 
patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the per- 
fons and goods. 

Sir Chriftopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into 
the inland parts for difcovery : but, before hee was returned, 
hee met with a Salvage that told the guide, Sir Chriftopher 
would be killed : Mailer Temperwell, (who had now found 
out matter againft him,) would have him dead or alive. 
This hee related ; and would have the gentleman not to goe 
to the place appointed, becaufe of the danger that was 

But Sir Chriftopher was nothing difmaid ; hee would on, 
whatfoever come of it ; and fo met with the Salvages : and 
between e them was a terrible fkermifh : But they had the 
worft of it, and hee fcaped well enough. 

The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that 


1 Supra, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. 

New Englifh Canaan, 341 

they were promifed a great reward for what they fhould doe 
in this imployment. 

Which thing, (when Sir Chriftopher underftood,) hee gave 
thanks to God ; and after, (upon this occafion to follace 
himfelfe,) in his table booke hee compofed this fonnet, which 
I have here inferted for a memoriall. 

*THE SONNET. * 185 

WOlfes in S keeps clothing, why will ye 
Think to deceave God that doth fee 
Your f mutated fanclily ? 
For my part, I doe wi/Ji you could 
Your owne infirmities behold, 
For then you would not be fo bold. 
Like Sop hi/is, why will you difpute 
With wifdome fo ? You doe confute 
None but y ourf elves. For fJiame, be mute, 

Leafl great fehovah, with his powre, 
Do come upon you in a howre 
When you leafl think, and you devoure. 

This Sonnet the Gentleman compofed as a teftimony of his 
love towards them, that were fo ill-affected towards him ; 
from whome they might have receaved much good, if they 
had bin fo wife to have imbraced him in a loving fafhion. 

But they defpife the helpe that fhall come from a carnall 
man, (as they termed him,) who, after his retorne from thofe 
defignes, finding how they had ufed him with fuch difre- 
fpect, tooke fhipping, and difpofed of himfelfe for England ; 


342 New Engli/Ji Canaan. 

and difcovered their praclifes in thofe parts towards his 

Majefties true harted Subjects, which they made 

wery of their aboade in thofe parts. 

*i86 *Chap. XXXI. 

Of mine Hoft of Ma-re- Mount how hee played Jonas after 
lice had bin in the Whales belly for a time. 

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had deliv- 
ered him, for his releefe by the way, (becaufe the fhipp 
was unvitteled, and the Seamen put to ftraight allowance, 
which could hold out but to the Canaries,) a part of his 
owne provifion, being two moneths proportion ; in all but 3. 
fmall peeces of porke, which made him expect to be fam- 
ifhed before the voyage fhould be ended, by all likelyhood. 
Yet hee thought hee would make one good meale, before 
hee died : like the Colony fervant in Virginea, that, before 
hee fhould goe to the gallowes, called to his wife to fet on 
the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before hee 
went ; who had committed a petty crime, that in thofe dayes 
was made a cappitall offence. 

And now, mine Hoft being merrily difpofed, on went the 
peeces of porke, wherewith hee feafted his body, and cher- 
ifhed the poore Sailers ; and got out of them what M r . Weth- 
ercock, their Mafter, purpofed to doe with him that hee had 
no more provifion : and along they failed from place to place, 
from Hand to Hand, in a pittifull wether beaten fhip, where 
mine Hoft was in more dainger, (without all queftion,) then 


New Englifli Canaan. 343 

lonas, when hee was in the Whales belly ; and it was the 
o-reat mercy of God that they had not all perifhed. Vittelled 
they were but for a moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left 
the firft port. 

* They were a pray for the enemy for want of * 187 
powther, if they had met them: befides the veffell 
was a very flugg, and fo unferviceable that the Matter called 
a counfell of all the company in generall, to have theire 
opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, who 
all under their hand affirmed the fhipp to be unferviceable : 
fo that, in fine, the Mafter and men and all were at their 
wits end about it : yet they imployed the Carpenters to 
fearch and caulke her fides, and doe theire belt whiles they 
were in her. Nine moneths they made a fhifte to ufe her, 
and fhifted for fupply of vittells at all the Iflands they 
touched at : though it were fo poorely, that all thofe helpes, 
and the fhort allowance of a bifket a day, and a few Lymons 
taken in at the Canaries, ferved but to bring the veffell in 
view of the lands end. 

They were in fuch a defperat cafe, that, (if God in his 
greate mercy had not favoured them, and difpofed the 
windes faire untill the veffell was in Plimmouth roade,) they 
had without queflion perifhed ; for when they let drop an 
Anchor, neere the Ifland of S. Michaels, 1 not one bit of 
foode left, for all that ftarving allowance of this wretched 
Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver, 


1 As Saint Michael is one of the firft chapter of the New Canaan. (Su- 

Azores, it may have been during this fira, 117.) If the voyage did laft nine 

voyage that Morton vifited the ffle of months, it was Auguft or September, 

Sal and the tropics, as mentioned in the 1631, before he got back to England. 

344 New Englifh Canaan. 

might have bought more vittells in New England then he, 
and the whole fhip with the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the 
paffingers hee carried who vittelled themfelves affirmed). 
But hee played the miferable wretch, and had poffeffed his 
men with the contrary ; who repented them of waying 
anchor before they knew fo much. 

Mine Hoft of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in 

* 1 88 * the Whales belly,) was fet a more, to fee if hee 

would now play Ionas, fo metamorphofed with a 

longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the painted 


But mine Hoft, (after due confideration of the premiffes,) 
thought it fitter for him to play Ionas in this kinde, then 
for the Seperatifts to play Ionas in that kinde as they 
doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell the Seperatifts, 
that they would be made in due time to repent thofe 
malitious praclifes, and fo would hee too ; for hee was 
a Seperatift amongft the Seperatifts, as farre as his wit 
would give him leave ; though when hee came in Company 
of bafket makers, hee would doe his indevoure to make 
them pinne the bafket, if hee could, as I have feene him. 
And now mine Hoft, being merrily difpofed, haveing paft 
many perillous adventures in that defperat Whales belly, 
beganne in a pofture like Ionas, and cryed, Repent you 
cruell Seperatifts, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes, if 
love vouchfafe to thunder, Charter and the Kingdome of the 
Seperatifts will fall afunder : Repent you cruell Schifma- 
ticks, repent. And in that pofture hee greeted them by 
letters retorned into new Canaan ; and ever, (as opportunity 
was fitted for the purpofe,) he was both heard and feene in the 


New Englijli Canaan. 


pofture of Ionas againft them, crying, repent you cruel 
Seperatifts, repent ; there are as yet but 40. dayes ; if love 
vouchfafe to thunder, the Charter and the Kingdome of the 
Seperatifts will fall a funder : Repent, you cruell Schifma- 
ticks, repent. If you will heare any more of this procla- 
mation meete him at the next markettowne, for 
Cynthius aurem vellet} 

A TA- 

1 " Cum canerem reges et prcelia, Cyn- 
thius aurem 
Vellit, et admonuit : . . . " 

(Virgil, Eclogues, vi. 3-4.) 

There are in the New Canaan (Su- 
pra, 2S0, 297) two references to certain 
imaginary or fpecial gifts from " Phaos 
box," which in editing I had been un- 
able to explain. Mr. Lindfay Swift 
(Supra, 328, note) now fupplies me with 
a reference, which, if it is indeed, as 
feems moft probable, the allufion which 
Morton had in mind, feems to indicate 
that his familiarity with claffic authors 
was greater than I have been difpofed 
to give him credit for. The reference 

is to the Varia Hijloria of ^lianus 
(lib. xil. cap. xviii.), and reads as fol- 
lows : " Phaonem, omnium hominum for- 
moriffimum, Venus in laftucis abfcon- 
dit. Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuiffe, 
et habuilTe hoc vitae genus. Veniebat 
autem aliquando Venus, trajicere vo- 
lens; ille vero, nefciens quaenam eflet, 
libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quo- 
quo voluerat, earn vexit. Pro quibus 
mentis Dea alabaftrum ei donavit, et 
erat in eo unguentum, quo unclus 
Phaon fpecioliffimus hominum evafit, 
atque adeo amarunt eum Mitylenen- 
fium feminas. Tandem vero deprehen- 
fus in adulterio, trucidatus eft." 


The Tenents of the firft Booke. 


PRooving New England the principall part of all America, and 
mojl commodious and fit for a habitation and 'generation. 

2. Of the original I of the Natives. 

3. Of a great mortallity happened amongft the Natives. 

4. Of their Jiowfes and habitations. 

5 . Of their R eligion . 

6. Of the Indians apparrell. 

7. Of their Childbearing. 

8. Of their reverence and rcfpecl to age. 

9. Of their Juggelling tricks. 
1 o. Of their Duclles. 

1 1 . Of the maintenance of their reputation. 

12. Of their Traffick and trade one with another. 

13. Of their Magazines and Storehowfes. 

14. Of theire Subtilety. 

1 5. Of their admirable perfection in the life of their fences. 

16. Of their acknozvlcdgemcnt of the creation and immortality of the 


1 7. Of their Annalls and Funeralls. 

18. Of their Cuftome in burning the Coutitry. 

19. Of their Inclination to drunckennes. 

20. Of their Philofophicall life. 

347 The 

348 A Table of the Contents. 

The Tenents of the fecond Booke. 


1 . The generall Survey of the Country. 

2. What trees are there and how commodious. 

3. What Potherb cs are there and for Sal lets. 

4. Of the Birds of the aire and fethered Fowles. 

5 . Of the Beafts of the Forrefl. 

6. Of Stones and Mineralls. 

7. Of the FifJies and what commodity they proove. 

8. Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines. 

9. A Perfpcclive to view the Country by. 
1 o. Of the great Lake of Erocoife. 

The Tenents of the third Booke. 


1 . Of a great leguc made betweene the Salvages and EngliJJi. 

2. Of the entertainement of Mafler Weflons people. 

3. Of a great Battaile fought betweene the Englifh and the Indians. 

4. Of a Parliament held at Weffagufcus . 

5 . Of a Maffacre made upon the Salvages. 

6. Of the Surprising of a Marchants SJiipp. 

7. Of Thomas Mortons Entertainement and wrack. 

8. Of the baniflimcnt of John Layford and Iohn Oldam. 

9. Of a barren doe of Virginca growne FruitJifull. 

10. Of the Mafler of the Ceremonies. 

1 1 . Of a Compofition made for a Salvages theft. 

1 2. Of a voyage made by the Mafler of the Ceremonies for Beaver. 

13. A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured 

14. The Revel Is of New Canaan. 

15- Of 

A Table of the Contents. 349 

15. Of a great Monfter fuppofed to be at Ma-re-Mount. 

16. How tJie nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Hofl of Ma- 

re-Mount into an inchaunted Caftle. 

17. Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan. 

18. Of a Doclor made at a commencement. 

1 9. Of the filencing of a Minifier. 

20. Of a praclife to get afnare to hamper mine hofl of Ma-re-Mount. 

21. Of Captaine Littlewortlis devife for the purchafe of Beaver. 

22. Of a Sequeflration in New Canaan. 

23. Of a great bonfire made in New Canaan. 

24. Of the digradinge and creatiuge of Gentry. 

25. Of the manner how the Seperatifis pay their debts. 

26. Of the Charity of the Seperatifis. 

27. Of the praclife of their Church. 

28. Of their Policy in publik Iujlice. 

29. Hozv mine Hofl was put into a Whales belly. 

30. How Sir Chrifiophcr Gardiner, Knight, fpeed amongfi the 


31. How mine Hofl of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out 

of the Whales belly. 







THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. . . Boston, Mass. 


JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M Boston, Mass. 

WILLIAM B. TRASK, Esq Boston, Mass. 

THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D. . . . Exeter, N. H. 


Correfponding Secretary. 
THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M. . . . Boston, Mass. 

Recording Secretary. 
DAVID GREENE HASKINS, Jr., A.M. . . . Cambridge, Mass. 


ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, Esq Boston, Mass. 



The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. . . . Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B Quincy, Mafs. 

Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M Boflon, Mafs. 

William Sumner Appleton, A.M Boflon, Mafs. 

Walter T. Avery, Efq New York, N.Y. 

Mr. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa. 

George L. Balcom, Efq Claremont, N.H. 

Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A Cleveland, Ohio. 

Samuel L. M. Barlow, Efq. . New York, N.Y. 

James Phinney Baxter, A.M Portland, Me. 

The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D Exeter, N.H. 

John J. Bell, A.M Exeter, N.H. 

Samuel Lane Boardman, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. . . . Augufta, Me. 

J. Carfon Brevoort, LL.D Brooklyn, N.Y. 

The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Sidney Brooks, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B Salem, Mafs. 

Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.l 

John Marfhall Brown, A. M Portland, Me. 

Jofeph O. Brown, Efq New York, N.Y. 

Philip Henry Brown, A.M Portland, Me. 

Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

George Bement Butler, Efq New York, N.Y. 

The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M Chelfea, Mafs. 

The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M. . . . Wafhington, D.C. 

George Bigelow Chafe, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Clarence H. Clark, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. 

The Priivce Society. 355 

Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N.Y. 

The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb Bofton, Mafs. 

Ethan N. Coburn, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 

Jeremiah Colburn, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Deloraine P. Corey, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

Eraftus Corning, Efq Albany, N.Y. 

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John Ward Dean, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Deane, LL.D Cambridge, Mafs. 

Edward Denham, Efq New Bedford, Mafs. 

John Charles Dent, Efq Toronto, Canada. 

Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M New Haven, Ct. 

The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Samuel Adams Drake, Efq Melrofe, Mafs. 

Henry Thayer Drowne, Efq New York, N. Y. 

Henry H. Edes, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 

Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D New Haven, Ct. 

William Henry Egle, A.M., M.D Harrifburgh, Pa. 

Janus G. Elder, Efq Lewifton, Me. 

Samuel Eliot, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D Philadelphia, Pa. 

James Emott, Efq New York, N.Y. 

The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL.D New York, N.Y. 

Jofeph Story Fay, Efq Woods Holl, Mafs. 

John S. H. Fogg, M.D Bofton, Mafs. 

The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Samuel P. Fowler, Efq Danvers, Mafs. 

James E. Gale, Efq Haverhill, Mafs. 

Ifaac D. Garfield, Efq Syracufe, N.Y. 

Marcus D. Gilman, Efq Montpelier, Vt. 

The Hon. John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me. 

Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M Salem, Mafs. 

Elbridge H. Gofs, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

The Hon. Juftice Horace Gray, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

William W. Greenough, A.B Bofton, Mafs. 

356 The Prince Society. 

Ifaac J. Greenwood, A.M New York, N.Y. 

Charles H. Guild, Efq Somerville, Mafs. 

David Greene Hafkins, Jr., A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL. D. ... Fremont, Ohio. 

Thomas Wentworth Higginfon, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

W. Scott Hill, M.D Augufta, Me. 

James F. Hunnewell, Efq Charleftown, Mafs. 

Theodore Irwin, Efq Ofwego, N.Y. 

The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M Lawrence, Mafs. 

The Hon. Clark Jillfon Worcefter, Mafs. 

Mr. Sawyer Junior Nafliua, N.H. 

George Lamb, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

Edward F. De Lancey, Efq New York, N.Y. 

William B. Lapham, M.D Augufta, Me. 

Henry Lee, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

John A. Lewis, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Orfamus H. Marfhall, Efq.' Buffalo, N. Y. 

William T. R. Marvin, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

William F. Matchett, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

Frederic W. G. May, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

John Norris McClintock, A.M Concord, N.H. 

The Rev. James H. Means, D.D Bofton, Mafs. 

George H. Moore, LL.D New York, N.Y. 

The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

John H. Ofborne, Efq Auburn, N.Y. 

George T. Paine, Efq. . Providence, R. I. 

Nathaniel Paine, Efq Worcefter, Mafs. 

John Carver Palfrey, AM Bofton, Mafs. 

Daniel Parifh, Jr., Efq New York, N.Y. 

Francis Parkman, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Auguftus T. Perkins, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D. Davenport, Iowa. 

William Frederic Poole, LL.D Chicago, 111. 

Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U. S. N. . Brookline, Mafs. 

The Prince Society. 357 

Samuel S. Purple, M.D New York, N.Y. 

Edward Aftiton Rollins, A.M. Philadelphia, Pa. 

The Hon. Nathaniel Fofter Safford, A.M. . . . Milton, Mafs. 

Jofhua Montgomery Sears, A.B Bolton, Mafs. 

John Gilmary Shea, LL.D Elizabeth, N.J. 

The Hon. Mark Skinner Chicago, 111. 

The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M Dedham, Mafs. 

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M Bolton, Mafs. 

Charles C. Smith, Efq Bolton, Mafs. 

Oliver Blifs Stebbins, Efq ' Bolton, Mafs. 

George Stevens, Efq Lowell, Mafs. 

George Stewart, Jr., Efq Quebec, Canada. 

Ruffell Sturgis, A.M London, Eng. 

William B. Trade, Efq Bolton, Mafs. 

Jofeph B. Walker, A.M Concord, N.H. 

William Henry Wardvvell, Efq Bolton, Mafs. 

Mils Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa. 

Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D Salem, Mafs. 

John Gardner White, A.M Cambridge, Mafs. 

William Adee Whitehead, A.M Newark, N.J. 

William H. Whitmore, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

Henry Auftin Whitney, A.M Bofton, Mafs. 

The Hon. Marfhall P. Wilder, Ph.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Henry Winfor, Efq Philadelphia, Pa. 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D Bofton, Mafs. 

Charles Levi Woodbury, Efq Bofton, Mafs. 

Afhbel Woodward, M.D Franklin, Ct. 

J. Otis Woodward, Efq Albany, N.Y. 


American Antiquarian Society Worcefter, Mafs. 

Amherfl College Library Amherft, Mafs. 

Aftor Library New York, N.Y. 

Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France. 

Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng. 

Bofton Athenaeum Bolton, Mafs. 

Bofton Library Society . . . Bofton, Mafs. 

358 The Prince Society. 

] g- 

Britifli Mufeum London, En< 

Concord Public Library "... Concord, Mafs. 

Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mafs. 

Free Public Library Worcefter, Mafs. 

Free Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada. 

Gloucefter Public Library Gloucefter, Mafs. 

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Long Ifland Hiftorical Society Brooklyn, N.Y. 

Maine Hiftorical Society Portland, Me. 

Maryland Hiftorical Society Baltimore, Md. 

Maffachufetts Hiftorical Society Bofton, Mafs. 

Mercantile Library New York, N.Y. 

Minnefota Hiftorical Society St. Paul, Minn. 

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Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mafs. 

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New England's Prospect 

A true, lively and experimental! defcription of that part of America, commonly called 
New England : difcovering the State of that Countrie, both as it Hands to our new-come 
Englijh Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By William Wood. London, 
1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D. 

The Hutchinson Papers. 

A Collection of Original Papers relative to the Hiftory of the Colony of Maffachufetts- 
Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M., and 
William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. 

John Dunton's Letters from New England. 

Letters written from New England A.D. 16S6. By John Dunton in which are 
defcribed his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends 
and acquaintances. Now firft publifhed from the Original Manufcript in the Bodleian 
Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M 

The Andros Tracts. 

Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers iffued during the period between 
the overthrow of the Andros Government and the eflablifhment of the fecond Charter of 
Maffachufetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manufcripts. With a Memoir 
of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols. 

Sir William Alexander and American Colonization. 

Including three Royal Charters, iffued in 1621, 1625, 162S ; a Tract entitled an 
Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; a Patent, from the Great 
Council for New England, of Long Ifland, and a part of the prefent State of Maine ; a 
Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir William Alex- 
ander, by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 

John Wheelwright. 

Including his Faft-day Sermon, 1637 ; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, and other 
writings , with a paper on the genuinenefs of the Indian deed of 1629, and a Memoir by 
the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M. 

360 Publications of the Society. 

Voyages of the Northmen to America. 

Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by Northmen in 
the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an Englilh translation by North Ludlow Beamifh ; 
with a Synopfis of the historical evidence and the opinion of Profcffor Rafn as to the 
places vifited by the Scandinavians on the coaft of America. Edited, with an Introduc- 
tion, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 

The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. 

Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of 
1619 ; tranflated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and 
historical illuflrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols. 

New English Canaan, or New Canaan. 

Containing an abstract of New England, compofed in three books. I. The first fetting 
forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and Cuftomes, together with their trada- 
ble Nature and Love towards the English. II. The Natural Indowments of the Coun- 
trie, and what Staple Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their 
Profperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened fince the firft planting of it, together 
with their Tenents and practice of their Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords 
Inne, Gent, upon ten Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited, 
with an Introduction and hiftorical illustrations, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B. 


1. Captain John Mason, the founder of New Hampfhire, including his Tract on New- 
foundland, 1620, the feveral American Charters in which he was a Grantee, and other 
papers ; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with hiftorical illuf- 
trations, by John Ward Dean, A.M. 

2. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, including his Tract entitled A Brief Narration, 1658, 
American Charters granted to him, and other papers ; with hiftorical Illustrations and 
a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 

3. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, including his Difcourfe to prove a Paffage by the North- 
Weft to Cathaia and the Eaft Indies ; his Letters Patent to difcover and poffefs lands in 
North America, granted by Queen Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With hiftorical Illustrations 
and a Memoir. 

4. Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America. Containing the Royal 
Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for difcovering and planting of new 
lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, difcourfes, and narratives of the 
Voyages made to Virginia at his charges, with original defcriptions of the country, com- 
modities, and inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and hiftorical illustrations, by the 
Rev. Increafe N. Tarbox, D.D. 





Aberdeceft, 130, n. 

Acomenticus : charter granted to, by 
Gorges, 81; Morton dies at, 91. 

Adams, John : on name of Merry- 
Mount, 14, n. ; on fate of Wollafton, 
15 ; on Thomas Morton, 95, n. ; in- 
juries to library of, 101, n. 

Adams, John Q., 101. 

Adders, 213. 

./Elianus, 345, n. 

Air of New England, 121, 137, 177, 190. 

Alcides, 292. 

Alefto, 275. 

Alexander, Sir William, quoted, 140, 

Alder, the, 186. 

Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of 
New England by, 199-215. 

Allerton, Ifaac : his courfe toward 
Morton in England, 35, 303 ; his 
miffion to England in 1629, 36; car- 
ries Morton back to Plymouth, 36 ; 
tries to obtain charter for Plymouth, 
52 ; brings over goods, 289, n. 

Allize, 225. 

Alfatian Squire, the, 92. 

Amphitrite, 277, 281. 

Animals, wild of New England, chap- 
ter on, 199-215. 

Antinomian controverfy, 81, 323, n. 

Antonomafia, 316. 

Anunhne, 123, n. 

Arbor-vitae, 185, n. 

Archimedes, 291. 

Argus eyes, 303. 

Ariftotle, cited, 117, 118. 

Armoniack, 219. 

Arms. (See Fire-arms.) 

Arthur's Table, King, 290. 

Arundel, Earl of, 60, 70. 

Afcowke, 213. 

Afh, the, 1 S3. 

Afpinwall, William, 319, n. 

Audubon, John James, quoted, 131, n. ; 
192, n. 

Auk, the great, formerly found in Bof- 
ton Bay, 131, n. 


Bacchanal Triumph, poem, 290-4. 
Bagnall, Walter, 22, 206, ;/., 218, n. 
Baptifm, 331, n. 
" Barren doe, the," 94, 264-6, 272-7. 



Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer, 
332, n. 

Bafs, 222. 

Beach, the, 183. 

Bears : ufed by Indians, 142-4 ; value 
of fkins of, 205 ; defcription of, 209 ; 
Indian methods of hunting, 210 ; 
flefh of, 210. 

Beaver : value of fkins of, 22, 205, 295 ; 
gain in, 32,282 ; regulation of trade 
in, 39, 306 ; virtues of tails of, 162, 
205 ; defcription of, 204 ; mufkrats 
paffed for, 211; Dutch trade in, 239, 
;/. ; a theft compounded in, 269; 
plenty of, at Nipnet, 270 ; compared 
to Jafon's Fleece, 295. 

Bible, the, 94, 212, 260. 

Bibliography of New Canaan, 99. 

Billington, John, 217. 

Birch, the, 186. 

Birds, chapter on, 189-99. 

Black-lead, 219. 

Blackftone, William : moves from Wef- 
faguffet to Bofton, 24 ; contributes 
to Morton's arreft, 30; an Epifco- 
palian, 94. 

Bluefifh, 222. 

Bole Armoniack, 219. 

Book of Common Prayer, 22, 68, 82, 
168, 260, 283, 311 ; an idol, 69, 332 ; 
Morton perfecuted for ufing, 92-5. 

Book of Sports, 260, ;/. 

Bofton Bay : favages about in 1625, n ; 
fettlers about in 1628, 24; defcrip- 
tion of in 1630, 122; great auks 
feen in, 131, n. ; French veflel 
wrecked in, 131, n. 

Bradford, John, on Common Prayer, 
332, n. 

Bradford, Governor William : cited, I, 

6, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, 31, 35, 36, 37, 

46, 49, 52, 79, 92, 133, «., 205, n., 217, 

»., 323, «., 325, n., 330, «., 332, n. ; 

letters of, on arreft of Morton, 30 ; 

generally correct, 49; literary fkill 

of, 96 ; abfence of humor in, 97, 98 ; 

referred to as Rhadamant, 291, n. 
Brant, 189, 268. 
Breames, 227. 
Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from 

John Gorges, 34. 
Brewfter, William, notes on birds by, 

189-99, »•! 226, 11. 
Briareus, 288. 
Bridges, Robert, 90. 
Bright, Rev. Francis, 300, n., 325, n. 
Brimftone, 220. 
Briftol, 2. 

Brown, Peter, 214. 
Browne, Robert, 323, n. 
Brutus, fuppofed defcent of Indians 

from, 126, 127, 129. 
Bubble, 266-8, 270-3. 
Buckingham, Duke of, 178, n. 
Burdet, Rev. George, correfponds 

with Laud, 83, 88. 
Burglary, 319, n. 
Burning undergrowth : Indian cuftom 

of, 172, 184, 186 ; protection againft, 


Burfley, John, at Weflaguflet, 24, 31, 

162, n. 
Buzzard's Bay, 266. 
Butler, Samuel, 96, 98, 251, n. 


Caen, William and Emery de, 235, n. 
Caiaphas, 300, 302, n. 
Cain, 312. 



Campbell, Lord : on royal proclama- 
tions, 26 ; cited, 35. 

Canada : derivation of name, 235 ; firft 
conqueft of, 235, n. 

Canary Iflands : as a market, 182, 222 ; 
Morton at, 342-3. 

Cane, 275. 

Canonicus, funeral rites of his fon, 
170, ;/. 

Cape Ann : Lyford moves to, 24; Mor- 
ton at, 261. 

Cape Cod, 21, 23, 226; French veffel 
•wrecked on, 131, n. 

Cape Verde Iflands, 116, 117, n. 

Carheil, Father, cited, 17. 

Caribdis, 277, 280. 

Catttip Keen, 137, n. 

Carlifle, Earl of, 70. 

Cafco Bay, 221 ; royalifts about, 85. 

Cau-ompjk, 124, n. 

Cecrops, 293. 

Cedars : at Mount Wollafton, 10 ; 
where to be found large, 173 ; abun- 
dance and fizeof, 184 ; white, 185, n. 

Cerberus, 294. 

Chalk-ftones, 216. 

Champlain, lake : protection for dif- 
covery of, 77 ; Morton on, 78 ; Jof- 
felyn's expedition to difcover, 79 ; 
when named, 234, n. (See Erocoife.) 

Champlain : his Voyages quoted, 149, 
71., 150, n. ; his map. 236, n. 

Charity of the Separatists, 320. 

Charity, the, comes to New England 
in June, 1622, 7, 130. 

Chauqiiaqock, 254. n. 

Charles I. : corruption of court of, 52 ; 
character and government of, 54; 
financial ftraits of, in 1635, 73 \ turn- 
ing point in fortunes of, 78. 

Charleftown : fettlement of, 34, 300, 
n. ; deacons of church of, 319. 

Charon, 274. 

Charter party, 304, 316, 317. (See 
Cradock, Matthew.) 

Chaftity, abfence of, among Indians, 
16, 17, 145, n. 

Chelfea, 229, 300. 

CJieJJietite, 148. 

Cheftnut, the, 183. 

Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, 11 ; 
cunning of, 162, ?i. ; his mother's 
grave defpoiled, 170, 247 ; fpeech of, 
247-9 '■> Wefton's men living with, 

Chingachgook, 213, n. 

Chriftmas, 18, 97; "brave gambols," 

Church practices in New England, 
69, 260, 262, 322-34. 

Church of England : Winthrop's de- 
teftation of, 63 ; and Morton, 92 ; 
and Lyford, 263 ; dignity of, ad- 
vanced in New England by Mor- 
ton, 283 ; Ratcliff a member of, 


Churching of women, 331, ;/. 

Cicero, quoted, 139, 181, 312. 

Cithyrea, 278. 

Clams, 227. 

Clarendon, Lord, cited, 52. 

Clayton's Virginia, cited, 199, n., 208, 

n., 210, n., 214, n. 
Cleaves, George: Morton in employ 

of, 77 ; in employ of Rigby, 84 ; "a 

fire-brand of diffenfion," 85. 
Clerk, Roger, 300, n. 
Cockles, 227. 
Coddington, Governor William, writes 

to Winthrop about Morton, 85. 




Cod-fifh, 221 ; markets for, 222 ; fu- 
periority of New England, ib. 

Cod-liver oil, 222. 

Coins, old, found at Richmond Ifiand, 
218, n. 

Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations, 

Colchos, 292. [26, 35. 

Commiffions, fyftem of, in favor at 
court of Charles I., 57. 

Conies, 204, 210, 211. 

Common Prayer : Book of, treatment 
of in Maffachufetts, 69; trouble oc- 
cafioned by in Scotland, 82 ; Mor- 
ton's ufe of, caufe of his perfecution, 
92, 260, 283 ; reference to in New 
Canaan, 93, 169; an idol, 332, n. 

Connecticut, Blue Laws of, 252, n. 

Copper, 220. 

Cormorants, 226. 

Cos, 124, 217. 

Cottington, Lord, 60. 

Cotton, John, 98. 

Council for New England : efforts of 
to fettle the Maffachufetts, 2 ; grant 
to Robert Gorges, 3 ; fecures pro- 
clamation about fale of fire-arms to 
Indians, 20 ; gives patent to Com- 
pany of Maffachufetts Bay, 31 ; quar- 
rel of with Maffachufetts Company, 
33 ; unequal to the emergency in 
1634, 59 ; plan for dividing territory 
of, 59 ; divides New England, 70 ; 
furrender of patent by, 72 ; records 
of quoted, 130, 11., 196, n. , iffues 
patent to Walter Bagnall, 219, n. 

Court : held at Salem, 306 ; at Bofton, 
to try Morton, 311. 

Cradock, Governor Matthew, 298, 11. ; 
before Privy Council, 51, 56; "an 
impofterous knave," 62 ; default of 

in quo warranto proceedings, 75 ; 
on Morton, jj ; Matter Charter- 
party 304, «., 316, 317. 

Cranes, 192. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 83. 

Crows, 195. 

Crow-blackbirds, 198. 

Cupid, 278. 

Cyprefs-trees, 185. 

Cynthius, 345. 


Dagon, 32, n. 

Davis, Captain John, 104, 118, n. 

Deaconefs, 323. 

Deacons, 322. 

Deane, Charles : cited, 30, 56 ; accur- 
acy of, 56. 

Decaincron, 94. 

De Cofta, B. F. : quoted, 92-4 ; re- 
ferred to, 100. 

Deer: fkins of, 135, 142-3, 202; killed 
by Indians, 162 ; followed by fcent, 
166; kinds of, 200-2 ; preyed on by 
wolves, 204, 208 ; and luzerans, 206. 

Deer-traps, 202. 

Deer Ifiand, 155, 11. , 204, n. 

Delilah, 281. 

Demas, part of, 302, n. 

Demophoon, 273. 

Dermer, Captain Thomas : redeems 
captives, 131, n. ; quoted concerning 
peftilence of 1616, 133, n. 

Devil, the : eftimation of among In- 
dians, 139, n., 150, n., 165, 167; 
rules the Powows, 178. 

Dexter, Rev. H. M., 244, n. 

Diogenes, 178 ; tub of, 286. 

Dodge, General, cited, 169, n., 174, «. 

" Doe, the barren," 94, 264-6, 272-7. 



Dog-fifh, 223, n. 

Don Quixote, 94, 272, 286. 

Dorchefter, Lord, 53. 

Dorfet, Earl of, 60. 

Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, 30. 

Downing, Emanuel : before Privy Coun- 
cil, 51 ; account of, 52; inftrucled to 
find evidence againft Morton, 88 ; 
on humming-bird, 198, n. 

Drails, 223. 

Drunkennefs, Indian tendency to, 174. 

Ducks: kinds of, 190 ; preyed on by 
luzeran, 206, n. 

Dudley, Governor Thomas, 43, 80, 90 ; 
cited, 4, 46. 

Duxbury, 84. 


Eacus, 288, 293, 294, 309. 

Eager, Pallor Mafter. {See Skejton.) 

Eaft Indies, 239. 

Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 60. 

Eels, 224. 

Egypt, 240. 

Elder-tree, the, 186. 

Elders of church, 313, 322. 

Elephants, their fuppofed religion, 
141, n. 

Elias houfe, 310. 

Eliot, Dr. John, 326, n. 

Eliot, John, quoted, 124, 129, n. 

Elk, 200, n. . 

Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, 145, n. 

Elm, the, 183. 

En a7iimia, 123. 

Endicott, John : arrival of, at Salem, 
31; vifits Mt. Wollafton, 32; oc- 
cupies the Gorges grant, 34; his 

inftruttions, 38, 40, 45 ; meets " old 
planters," 39, 306 ; attempts to rear- 
reft Morton, 43 ; derided by Morton, 
45 ; mutilates royal ftandard, 66 ; 
{flues warrant to arreft Morton, 
86; governor, 88; libelled in New 
Canaan, 88, 304 ; called Littleworth, 
220, 298-9, 304, 306, 308, 31S ; Mor- 
ton's animofity to, 220, n. ; cured of 
a wife, 298, n. ; fends fettlers to 
Charleftown, 300, n. ; at Salem, 
303-7 ; and the charter cafe, 305 ; 
fraud imputed to, 308 ; punifhes 
Ratcliff, 316; fecond marriage of, 

33°> «• 
Epicletus, 312, n. 

Epifcopalians : take up Morton's caufe, 

92; in early Maffachufetts, 95, 218, 

Erocoife, lake of, 78, 234-7, 2 4°> 241. 

{See Champlain.) 
Efculapius, 278. 
Executions. (See Hanging.) 
Exercifing in church, by lay members, 

262, »., 322-30. 


Faircloath, Innocence {See Ratcliff.) 

Fairfax, Lord, 83. 

Falcons and falconry, 6, 196. 

Falkland, Lord, 83. 

Falftaff, 278, n. 

Fauftus, Dr., 319. 

Fire-arms : fupplied to Indians, 20, 95 ; 

trade in forbidden, 21 ; in hands of 

Indians in 1628, 25. 
Firing the country. {See Burning.) 
Fifh, poifonous in the tropics, 116, n. ; 

kinds of in New England, 221-8. 



Fifheries, veffels engaged in, 221. 
Fitcher : a partner of Wollafton, 4; 

left in charge at Mt. Wollafton and 

expelled by Morton, 13. 
Finch, Sir John, 35. 
Flora, patronefs of May-day, 19, 281. 
Flounders, 226. 
Flowers in New England, 228. 
Footmen, running, 329. 
Force's Trails, 99. 
Foxes, 206-8. 

Fox-fkins, value of, 205, «., 207, n. 
Franchife, the, in Maffachufetts, 331, 


Freeles, 227. 

French authority, on Indians' fenfes, 

Frenchmen, captured, among Indians, 
131, n. 

" Froth, Nick and," 328, n. 

Fuller, Dr. Samuel : dies of peftilence, 
133, n. ; fuppofed to be alluded to 
as Eacus, 288, 291, «., 309 ; note on, 
297 ; at Salem, 298. 

Furmety, 163, u. ; 296. 

Furs : profit of trade in, 22, 32 ; regula- 
tion of trade in, 39 ; Indian ufe of, 
141-4; prices of, 205, ;/., 207, n., 
209. (See Beaver, Deer, Bear.) 


Galena, found in Woburn, 219, n. 

Ganymede, 279. 

Gardiner, Sir Chriftopher: before Privy 
Council, 50, 86 ; his prefatory verfes 
to New EngliJJi Carman, 112; on 
defcent of Indians, 128; intercedes 
for Ratcliff, 320; note on, 338; 

adventures of, 338-42; fonnet by, 


Geefe: defcriptions of, 189-90 ; preyed 
on by luzeran, 206, n. 

Gellius, Aulus, quoted, 312, n. 

Gentry, created and degraded by Win- 
throp, 313. 

Gerard's Herbal, referred to, 185. 

Ghent, 236. 

Gibbons, Major Edward, 90-1. 

Gifte, the, 44, 289. 

Gloucefter, Morton at, 86. 

Golgotha, a new-found, 133. 

Goodman, John : adventure of, with a 
wolf, 208, n. ; hears lions roar, 214, n. 

Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 160, 174. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 36, 47, 
95 ; procures iffues of proclamation 
on fire-arms, 21 ; his curiofity as to 
New England, 32 ; Morton ingra- 
tiates himfelf with, 36 ; in correfpon- 
dence with Morton, 41, 47 ; intrigues 
againft Maffachufetts, 49 ; failure in, 
53 ; works through Court influences, 
54 ; renews complaints againft Maf- 
fachufetts, 56; fhapes Laud's policy 
to New England, 58 ; his plan, 58 ; 
to be governor-general, 59 ; his in- 
fluence with Lords Commifiioners, 
60 ; reprefents " thorough " in New 
England, 60, 74 ; thought to be on 
the New England coaft in 1635, 66; 
his plans in 1635, 67 ; circumvents 
Winflow, 68 ; grantee of Maine from 
Council for New England, 71 ; ap- 
pointed by King, governor-general, 
71 ; failure of, caufed by want of 
money, 72 ; age of, 75, n. ; death 
of Mafon fatal to plans of, 76 ; pub- 
lication of New Canaan not agree- 



able to, 80 ; pretends to be friendly 
to Maffachufetts, 80; " cafheers " 
Morton, 80 ; grants charter to Aco- 
menticus, 81; career of, 119, n. ; 
eulogized, 189 ; Sir C. Gardiner, an 
agent of, 338, n. 

Gorges, John : fucceeds to R. Gorges's 
grant, 33 ; deeds land to Brereton 
and Oldham, 34, 40. 

Gorges, Lord, 71. 

Gorges, Captain Robert, 2, 33, 143, 
162 ; arrives in Bofton Bay, 3 ; ex- 
tent of his grant, 3 ; returns to Eng- 
land, 4 ; validity of grant to, denied, 
34 ; arrefts Wefton, 257, n. 

Gofhawks, 197. 

Gover, Anna, 298. 

Grant, John, 62. 

Grapes in New England, 186, 

Gray, ProfefTor Afa, 182, 188. 

Greek, fuppofed refemblance of Indian 
words to, 123, 126. 

Greene, Charles, 99-101. 

Greene, Richard, in charge of Weffa- 
guffet fettlement, 7. 

Greenland, exceffive cold of, 118. 

Groufe in New England, 194, u. 


" Habbe or nabbe," 335. 
Hacche, Roger atte, 300, n. 
Hake, 226. 

Hale, Robert, 319, n. 
Halibut, 225. 
Hame, 124. 

Hamilton, Marquis of, 70. 
Hampden, John, 83. 
Handmaid, the, Morton's voyage in, 
45, 342-5- 

Hanging: the Weymouth, 217, 249-52; 

early in Maffachufetts, 217, n. ; in 

Virginia, 342. 
Hannibal, 263. 
Hares, 204. 

Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mafon, 101, 11. 
Harvard Univerfity : Library bulletin 

referred to, 99-100; ftudents at, 

whipped, 319, 11. 
Hawks and falcons in New England, 


" Hawk and buzzard," 336. 

Hawthorn-trees, 1S6. 

Heath-hen, 194, 71. 

Hebrew tribes, 310; origin of Indians 
traced to, 129, n. 

Hedgehogs, 211. 

Hemlock-trees, 185, n. 

Hemp in New England, 187, 202, 231. 

Herbs of New England, 188, 228. 

Herons, 192. 

Herring, 224. 

Hickory, 183, n. 

Higginfon, Rev. F., quoted, 213, n., 
221, n., 232, «., 300, 11. 

Higginfon, T. W., quoted, 312, n. 

Hiltons, the : at Pifcataqua, 23 ; contri- 
bute to Morton's arreft, 30. 

" Hippeus pine-tree horfe," 2S4. 

Holbein, Hans, 253, n. 

Holland, 70, 288. 

Hollis, Sir William, 253, n. 

Horace, quoted, 119. 

Horeb, the calf of, 278. 

Horfe-mackerel, 223, n. 

Howes, Edward, 317, n. 

Howes, Edward, Jr., 334, n. 

Hudibras, 96, 251, n., 339, ft. 

Hudfon, Hendrick, voyages and fate of, 
1 1 8, n. 



Hudfon, the, 236, n., 238. 

Hull, fo called in 1628, 24, 337, n. 

Hume, David, on royal proclamations, 

Humfrey, John : before Privy Council, 

51 ; '*an impoflerous knave," 62, 64; 

goes to New England, 64; Gorges 

refers to patience of, 80. 
Humming-bird, 102, «., 198. 
Hunt, Captain Thomas, 244, n. 
Hutchinlbn, Mrs. Ann, 81, 323, n. 
Hyde, Sir Nicholas, 35. 
Hydra, 286, 287, 292, 293. 


Indians : Morton's popularity with, 
10; number in Maflachufetts, 11 ; 
modefty of women, 16; defire for 
guns and fpirits, 20 ; fire-arms 
among, 20, 25 ; peflilence of 1616 
among, 120, 133, n. ; origin of, 
123-9 > language of, 123 ; de- 
fendants of Hebrew tribes, 129, n. ; 
Frenchmen captives among, 131 ; 
their wigwams, 134-8; their eating, 
137, n. ; their hofpitality, 137, 11. ; 
their games and removals, 138; 
their religion, 139-41, 167; their 
drefs, 141-5; their trade, 141, 157- 
9 ; their modefty, 142 ; their children 
born white, 147, n. ; their bodies 
well fhaped, 147; color of their eyes, 
148, 165 ; their refpect to age, 148- 
50; their conjuring tricks, 150-3; 
their duels, 153-4; their money, 157 
-9; their manufactures, 159; their 
florehoufes, 160; their bafkets, 160; 
did not ufe fait, 161 ; their cunning, 

161-5; acutenefs of their fenfes, 
165-6; diftinguifh French from 
Spanifh by fmell, 166; crimes among, 
169; their funerals, 169-71 ; thievery 
among, 169; their cuftom of firing 
the country, 172; diftant com- 
merce of, 172, 220, «., 237; con- 
tented life of, 175; fuperiority to 
Englifh beggars, 175-6; utenfils and 
method of drinking, 177; deer-traps 
of, 202 ; method of hunting bears, 
209-10 ; lobfter-feafts of, 226; belied 
by Plymouth people, 256 ; compound 
theft at Weffaguffet, 269 ; accom- 
pany Bubble to Nipnet, 270 ; return 
his property, 272 ; witnefs Morton's 
punifhment, 312; reprove punifh- 
ment of Morton, 312. (See Mafla- 

Indian women: abfence of chaftity 
among, 16, 17, 145; Morton's rela- 
tions with, 94 ; their drefs, 144 ; their 
modefty, 145 ; their child-bearing, 
145-8 ; their care of their infants, 

Ireland, no venomous beafts in, 48. 

Irocoife, the great lake. {See Cham- 

Iron-ftones, 219. 

Iroquois, 234. 

Ifles of Shoals, Morton at, 29, 296, 

Ifraelites, 310 ; origin of Indians traced 
to, 129, n., 160, 11. 


Jackals, 207, n., 214, n. 
James I., 16, 35; fends fnake-ftones 
to Virginia, 214, n. 



Jafon, 292 ; Golden Fleece of, 295. 

Jeffreys, William : at Weffaguffet, 24, 
31, 162, n. ; correfponds with Gorges, 
60, n. ; letters of Morton to, 61, S6 ; 
carries letters to Winthrop, 65 ; let- 
ters from quoted, 102. 

Jews, origin of Indians traced to, 129, u. 

Job, 281. 

Johnfon, Edward, 250. 

Jonah, 103, 302, 327, 342-5- 

Jonfon, Ben, 98 ; may have met Mor- 
ton, 96; note on "poem," 290, 312, 
n. ; quoted, 335, 11. 

Jordan, 310. 

JoiTelyn, Captain John, quoted, 16, «., 
133. n ~> x 36, n., 137, »., 147, «•, I5 8 > 
»., 160, «., 171, n., 182, «., 185, n., 
189, «., 191, n., 198, «., 201, «., 205, 
«., 206, «., 210, n., 212, n., 214, #., 
217, «., 221, «., 232, «., 235, n. 

Joffelyn, Henry, 237; date of expedi- 
tion of, to New Hampfhire, 79, 238. 

" Jove, let, vouchfafe to thunder," 62, 

i°3, H3, 345- 
Jupiter, 279. 


Kantantowwit, 168, n. 

Kennebec : Morton follows Plymouth 
people to the, 23, 295 ; Plymouth 
grant on the, 36. 

Kennet, White, 99. 

Kytan, an Indian god, 139, n., 167, n., 
168, 169. 

Killock, 262. 

King's Bench, warrant did not run in 
MafTachufetts, 47. 

Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, con- 
quer! of Canada by, 235, n. 

Kodliep Ken, 137, n. 
Koiis, 124, n. 

Laconia, 235, 238, n. 
Lannerets, 196, 198. 
Larks, 195. 

Latin, fuppofed fimilarity with Indian 
tongue, 123-6. 

Laud, Archbilhop William : becomes 
Primate, 55 ; influence of, 57 ; head 
of Lords Commiffioners, 58, 60, 93, 
322 ; played upon by Gorges, 64 ; and 
Morton, 68, 93, 322-34 ; New Eng- 
land not to be fuffered to languifh, 
71 ; fupreme in England in 1635, 74 ; 
his fortunes turn, 78 ; correfponds 
with Burdet, 83 ; orders Common 
Prayer to be ufed, 333, n. 

Lazarus, 344. 

Lead ore, 219. 

Leadftones, 219. 

Learning, vilified in New England, 

Leather, made by Indians, 142, 201. 

Lechford's Plaine Dealing quoted, 
147, 322-34. 

Lenox, Duke of, 70. 

Lerna, lake, 292. 

Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, 129. 

Libertines, New England will not 

brook, 48. 
Lime, 215. 

Limeftone in Weymouth, 216, n. 
Lions in New England, 214. 
Little worth. (See Endicott.) 
Lobfters, 209, 226, 265. 
Lords Commiffioners of Plantations : 

appointment of board of, 58, 100 ; 




who compofed, 60 ; powers of, 60 ; 
news of appointment of, in Mafla- 
chufetts, 65 ; laft meeting of, 81 ; 
Morton's dependence on, 93 ; dedi- 
cation of New Canaan to, 109, 322. 

Louis XI., 326. 

Lowndes's Manual, 100. 

Lucan, 141. 

Lufcus, 263. 

Luzerans : defcription of, 200 ; value 
of furs of, 205, n. 

Lyford, Rev. John : at Hull, 24, 264 ; 
moves to Cape Ann, 24 ; at Ply- 
mouth, 262-4, 332, n. 

Lyman, Theodore, notes on fifh, 


Machiavelli, 339. 

Machdug, 237, n. 

Mackerel, 223. 

Mackerel-fhark, 223, n. 

Maine: trading- ftations in, 23, 218,221 ; 
royalifts in, 85. 

Maja, 281. 

Manchefter, Earl of, 60. 

Manittooes, 207, n. 

Maple, 186. 

Marble in New England, 215. 

Marblehead, quality of ftone at, 215, n. 

Ma-re-Mount, 14. (See Merry Mount.) 

Marlins, 198. 

Marriage in Maffachufetts, a civil con- 
trad, 69, 330. 

Mars, 292. 

Martens : value of furs of, 205, n. ; de- 
fcribed, 206. 

Mary &* John, arrival of at Hull, 42. 

MaJ/ce, the North Star, 125. 

Mafon, Captain John: hoftile to Maffa- 
chufetts, 49 ; grantee of New Hamp- 
shire from Council of New England, 
71 ; builds fhips to take governor- 
general to New England, 73 ; finan- 
cial needs of, 74; death of, and note 
on, 76, 238. 

Maffachufetts : latent fpirit of rebellion 
in, in 1632, 51,66; emigration to, in 
i634, 55 ; panic in, in 1635, 66, 7* 5 
preparations againft, in 1635, 67 ; 
church practices in, 69, 322-34; 
complaints againft, in 1638, 81 ; ap- 
peals to king a mifdemeanor in, 87; 
location and advantages of, 112; 
elk feen in, 200, n. ; population of, 
in 1632-7, 230; baptifm limited to 
franchife in, 331, n.\ defcription of 
community in, 334, ;/. ; juftice in, 


Maffachufetts Charter: attack on in 
Privy Council, in 1632, 49; obtained 
by influence, 52 ; fent for by Privy 
Council, 56 ; fecond attack on, 58, 
61; not returned to England, 64; 
plan for vacating, 67 ; quo warranto 
proceedings to fet afide, 75 ; demand 
for return of, in 1638, 82. 

Maffachufetts Company : grant to, 31 ; 
difficulty of, with Council of New 
England, 33 ; procures charter, 34 ; 
"old planters," jealoufy of, 38; in- 
ftruaions of, to Endicott, 38, 40, 45 ; 
policy of, to, 39; regulates trade in 
furs, 39 ; complaints againft, 50 ; 
treafurer of, 305 ; patent-cafe of, 

Maffachufetts Indians: number of, 11 ; 

Wefton's men killed by, 252, n. ; 

humanity of, 256. 



Maffafoit : a night in his lodge, 136, n. ; 

detains Samofet, 244, n. 
Mather, Cotton, quoted, 129, n., 132, n., 

150, «., 152, »., 160, n., 175, «., 

331, «. 

Matta, 237. 

Mattapan, 12, 124. 

Maverick, Rev. John, 325, «. 

Maverick, Samuel : fays that Morton 
had a patent, 8 ; moves from Weffa- 
guffet to Noddle's Ifland, 24; in 
conneclion with Morton's arreft, 30; 
his afteffment for charge of Morton's 
arreft, 30 ; cited, 46 ; refers to Mor- 
ton's arraignment at Bolton, 88 ; an 
Epifcopalian, 94. 

May, Thomas, quoted, 141, n. 

Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall, 
218, n. 

May-day feftivities : immorality of, 18 ; 
at Mount Wollafton, 18, 276-82. 

May-pole, the : of Merry-Mount, 17, 
270, 295 ; cuftom of erecting, 17 ; 
cut down by Endicott, 32. 

Medufa, 292. 

Meechin, 137. 

Melpomene, 275. 

Menhaden, 225, n., 226, n. 

Mephiftopheles, 319. 

Mermaid, the, 97. 

Merriam, Mr., identifies fimpes as 
woodcock, 191, ;/. 

Merry-Mount : fountain at, 276 ; May- 
day at, 276-84 ; to be made a woeful 
mount, 278 ; monfter at, 282. (See 
Mt. Wollafton.) 

Metawna, 194, n. 

Mice, 214. 

Milo, 270. 

Milton, John, quoted, 129. 

Minerals of New England, 215-21. 

Miniiters : ordination of, at Plymouth, 
262; at Salem, 300, «., 306; ufe of 
notes by, 322, n. ; ordination of, in 
New England, 324 ; fuperior to 
magiftrates in New England, ib. ; 
firft in New England, 325, n. ; ab- 
fent-mindednefs of a, ib. ; did not 
marry in New England, 330. 

Minifters' fons, whipped, 319, n. 

Minos, 275, 293, 294, 309. 

Mint and Cummin, tithes of, 102, in, 
280, 333. 

Mittannug, 193, n. 

Afona, 124. 

Monatoquit, 9, 28, 285 ; limeftone near 
to, 216. 

Money, Indian. (See Wampum.) 

Monfall, Ralph, 319, n. 

Monthly Anthology, 101, 320. 

Moofe, description and ufes of, 142, 

Morell, Rev. William, quoted, 143, n. 

Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 5. 

Morton, Thomas : comes to MafTachu- 
fetts with Wollafton, 1 ; fufpetted of 
murder, 2, 15, 46 ; his previous life, 
4-5 ; his acquaintance with claffics, 
4, 345, ;/. ; his firft coming to New 
England, 6 ; his filence about Wol- 
lafton, 13 ; inaccuracy of, 14, 63, 96, 
123, «., 335, n. ; his fondnefs for 
field fports, 15 ; his treatment of 
Indians, 16, 256 ; relations of, with 
Indian women, 16; his verfes, 19; 
fupplies Indians with guns, 20; 
filence of, on fubjecl:, 21 ; trades in 
Maine, 23; vifits Weffaguffet, 24; 
number of his neighbors, 25 ; remon- 
ftrated with for fale of fire-arms, 25; 

3 74 


on proclamations, 26; arrefl of, by 
Standith, 27, 282-6 ; efcape of, 28, 
283 ; taken to Plymouth, 29, 296 ; 
fent to England, 29, 289 ; coft of ar- 
refl: of, 30, 302; reaches England, 
31 ; not proceeded againft, 35, 303 ; 
could have been proceeded againft 
in Star Chamber, 35 ; ingratiates 
himfelf with Gorges, 36 ; and Aller- 
ton, 36, 325; good refults of, 37; 
returns to Plymouth, 37, 304; to 
Mount Wollafton, 38 ; refufes to 
fign agreement, 39, 307 ; difregards 
trade regulations, 40, 308 ; an agent 
of Gorges, 41; profits of, 41, 308; 
attempt to re-arreft, 41, 308 ; re- 
arreft of, 43 ; trial and fentence of, 
44 ; fent back to England, 45 ; charges 
againft him, 46; punifliment of, 46- 
8, 311, 312; a warrant for his ar- 
refl; from King's Bench, 47, 311 ; a 
"libertine," 48; driven away from 
Maflachufetts, 49, 336-7; in Exe- 
ter jail, 49; allies himfelf to ene- 
mies of Maflachufetts Charter, 50; 
makes complaint before Privy Coun- 
cil, 50 ; gives reafon of failure of 
complaint, 54; forwards more com- 
plaints, 56; elation of, in 1634, 60; 
his letters to William Jeffreys, 
61 ; crying as Jonas, 61, 103, 344; 
plays on Laud's foibles, 64, 93, 
322-34, n., n.\ has Window put 
in Fleet prifon, 69 ; Solicitor of 
Council for New England, 72 ; 
promptnefs of, in legal proceedings, 
75 ; on Captain John Mafon, 76; 
Cradock on, 77; in pay of Cleaves, 
77 ; in difgrace with Gorges, 80 ; 
witneffcs Acomenticus charter, 81 ; 

ftarved out of England, 83 ; at 
Plymouth in 1643,84; pretends to 
be a Commonwealth's man, 85 ; 
goes to Maine, 85 ; to Rhode 
Ifland, 85 ; to Bofton, 86 ; ar- 
raigned, 86 ; extraordinary proceed- 
ings againft, 87 ; petition of, 88- 
90 ; imprifonment, releafe and death 
of, 91 ; a man out of place, 92 ; Epif- 
copalian defenders of, 92 ; " his 
faults," 93 ; oppreflively dealt with 
in Maflachufetts, 94; fmall literary 
merit of, 95 ; may have met Butler 
and Jonfon, 96; fenfe of humor of, 
97; ftyleof, 103; at Richmond Ifland, 
218; ufes Common Prayer, 260, 311 ; 
at Cape Ann, 261 ; at Nut Ifland, 268 ; 
date of arrefl, 295 ; references of, to 
Winthrop, 310, n., 321; gets game 
for fettlers, 321 ; at Salem, 325, ;/. ; 
at Canary Iflands, 342; his voyage 
to England, 342-5. 

Mount Dagon, 32, 278. 

Mount Wollafton : why fo called, 1 ; 
character and number of fettlers at, 
8, 286, 294; defcription and fketch 
of, 9-10; view from, 12; location of, 
15 ; morals at, 17; May-day feftivities 
at, 18 ; a refuge of runaways, 22, 23 ; 
within grant to Maflachufetts Com- 
pany, 31 ; deftruftion of houfe at, 45 ; 
Common Prayer at, 94, 283 ; foun- 
tain at, 229 ; monfter at, 282. 

Mufkrats, 204; value of fkins of, 205, 11. 
defcription of, 210. 

Mufcles, 227. 

Afteuno/i, 124, n. 




Nan weeteo, 148, n. 

Nantafket, 24, 25, 30, 325, n., 337, n. 

Nanepafhemet, 155. 

Naumkeag, 25, 30. 

Nebuchadnezzar, 116. 

IVecut, 193, n. 

Neent, 194, n. 

Neptune, 277. 

Netherlands, 293. 

New Canaan : political fignificance of, 
68 ; as a political pamphlet, 68, 322, 
n. ; reference to Lake Irocoife in, 
78; where written, 78, 233, n. ; re- 
ferred to by Bradford, 79 ; lateft re- 
vifion of, 79 ; no copies of, get to 
New England, 79, 88 ; publication 
of, not agreeable to Gorges, 80 ; 
referred to by Winthrop, 86 ; ref- 
erences to Book of Common Prayer 
in, 93; ribaldry of, 94; criticifm of, 
95-6 ; referred to in Hudibras, 96 ; 
humor in, 97; a connecting link, 98 ; 
bibliography of, 99-101 ; titlepages 
of, 100; printing of, 102; caufe of 
errors in, 103; rules for prefent edi- 
tion of, 104. 

New England : emigration to, in 1634, 
55 ; royal policy towards, 57 ; church 
practices in, 69; divifion of, in 1635, 
70; commffion for governing, in 1637, 
77; location and temperature of, 
120-1 ; winds not violent in, 122, 
232; plenty of, 175; air of, 177; 
beauty of, 180 ; motives of fettlers in, 
181 ; no boggy ground in, 22S ; per- 
fumed air of, 228, 231-2 ; fuperiority 
of, to Virginia, 228, 229, 233, 265 ; 
natural waters of, 229; population 

of, 230 ; fertility of, 231 ; people of, 
never have colds, 232 ; rainfall of, 
233 ; coaft and harbors of, ib. ; fe- 
cundity of women in, 265 ; univer- 
sities vilified in, 282. {See Council 
for New England.) 
New EngliJJi Canaan. {See New 

New Hampfhire, population of, in 1634, 
230, n. 

Newburyport: galena found in, 219, n. ; 

iilver ore, 220, n. 
Newcomein, John, 216-7. 
Niagara Falls, 236. 
" Nick and Froth," 328, n. 
Nilus, 240. 
Niobe, 277, 281. 
Nipnets, 240, 270. 
Nneesnnednna, 193, n. 
Noddy, Doctor, 309. 
NokeJiick, 175, n. 

North Star, the Indian name of, 125, n. 
Northweft paffage, intereft in the, in 

1632, 118, »., 239. 
" Nofes out of joint," 94, 281. 
Notes ufed in preaching, 322. 
Nourfe, H. S., on Elk in South Lan- 

cafter, Mafs., 200, n. 
Nowell, Increafe, 305, n. 
Nut Ifland, 268. 
Nuttall's Ornithology, cited, 194, n. 


Oaks in New England, 182. 
Oates, Jack, 253, n. 
CEdipus, 277, 2S0. 
Oil, cod-liver, 222. 

"Old Planters," jealoufy of Maffachu- 
fetts Company, 38. 



Oldham, John, 40 ; at Hull, 24 ; takes 
Morton to England, 29-32 ; his prom- 
ifes of gain in New England, 32; 
his fcheme for trading, 33 ; does not 
prefs matters againft Morton, 33, 36; 
receives grant from John Gorges, 
34; tries to organize expedition, 34; 
"a jack in his mood," 40; his treat- 
ment at Plymouth, 262-4. 

Oliver le Daim, 326. 

Om, 124, u. 

Ordination. (See Minifters.) 

Otters, value of furs of, 205, n., 206. 

Ounce, the, 206, n. 

Ovid, quoted, 217, 273. 

Owls, 195. 

Oyfters, 227. 


Palfrey, J. G., quoted, 140, ;/., 148, n. 

"Pan the Shepherds' God," 124. 

Papafiquineo. {See Pafconaway.) 

Parkman, Francis, quoted, 16, 17, 136, 
n., 140, 71., 145, 71., 158, 71., 166, ;/., 
168, 71., 234, 71. 

Partridges, 194. 

Pafconaway, the fachem, 150, 71. ; his 
tricks and incantations, 151 ; his 
daughter's marriage, 154-5. 

Pafcopa7i, 124. 

Pa/lca7i07itai7i, 124, ;/. 

Paffonageffit : defcription of, 9; fignifi- 
cation of name, 14, 276; grave at, 
defecrated, 247 ; Mafter Bubble at, 
267; revels at, 276-82; mine holt, 
fachem of, 289. (See Mt. Wollafton.) 

Paftors. (See Minifters.) 

Patent of Maffachufetts : granted, 31 ; 
brought over by Endicott, 305 ; its 
cafe, ib.. n. 

Paul's Walk, 298, 11. 

Pawtucket, 124. 

Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, 189, 

Peddock, Leonard, 130, n. 
Peddock's Ifland, 130, n. 
Pemaquid, 244. 
Penelope, 281. 

Pe7i7iacook, the Bridal of , 155, n. 
Peftilence among Indians in 1616-7, 

11, 120, 130-4; nature of. 133, 71. ; 

Squanto's fraud about, 245. 
Phaethon, 293. 

Phaos box, 280, 297; explained, 345, 71. 
Pharfalia, May's continuation of, quo- 
ted, 141, 71. 
Pheafants, 194. 
Phillips, Rev. George, 326. 
Phillips Creek, Weymouth, fite of 

Weffaguffet fettlement, 3. 
Phlegethon, 314. 
Phoebus, 293. 
Phyllis 273. 
Pike, 227. 
Pilchers, 226. 

Pillory and whetftone, 300, 71. 
Pine-trees, 184. 

Pipe-ftaves as merchandife, 182. 
Pifcataqua, 30; Hiltons and Thomfon 

at, 22, 25, 255, n. 
Plague. (See Peftilence.) 
Plaice, 226. 
Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords 

Commiffioners of. (See Lords Com- 

Plato, Indians praclife Commonwealth 

of, 177. 
"Plough patent" in Maine, 85. 
Plymouth, 30; fettlers at, in 1628, 25 ; 

Morton carried to, 29; Indians about 



deftroyed by peftilence, 133, 11. ; Bil- 
lington hanged at, 217, n. ; population 
of, in 1634, 230, 11. ; Samofet's ap- 
pearance at, 244; treatment of Wef- 
ton at, 245-6, 255-7 ; people of, at 
Paffonageffit 247, n. ; Morton vifits, 
259; cattle at, 260; Lyford and Old- 
ham at, 262-4 ; reordination of min- 
ifters at, 262; no veffel arrives at, in 
June 1628, 289, n. ; Chriftmas at, 
294, n. ; Morton arrives again at, 
304 ; mini Hers at, 325, n. ; Book of 
Common Prayer at, 332, n. 

Pocahontas, "a well-featured but wan- 
ton young girl," 145, n. 

Porcupines, 211. 

Portland, Earl of, 60. 

Portland Harbor, 221, n. 

Potomac, the, 236, 239. 

Powahs, Indian, 139, «., 150, «., 152, 


Pratt, Phineas, cited, 131, »., 132, 

Praying, manner of, 334. 

Priapus, 94, 205, 281. 

Privy Council: petition to, againft Maf- 
fachufetts Company, 51 ; order of, 
flopping emigration to New Eng- 
land, 56, 333, n. 

Proclamations, royal : about fire-arms, 
20 ; not law, 26 ; violation of, pun- 
ifhable in Star Chamber, 35. 

Procruftes, 335. 

Proteus, 94, 281. 

Purchafe, Mr., cures himfelf of fci- 
atica, 207, n. 

Purification of women, 331. 

Putnam, F. W., 131, n., 227, 11. 

Pygmalion, 315. 

Pythagoras, 329, n. 

Ouackfalver, punifhment of, 299. 
Quail, in New England, 194. 
Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, 235, 11. 
Ouincy : feal of town of, 10 ; flate in, 

216, n. 
Quo warranto proceedings to fet afide 

Maffachufetts Charter, 74, 77, 82, 86. 


Rabbits, 204, 211. 

Rabelais, 94. 

Raccoon, 207. 

Rafdall: a partner of Wollafton, 1 ; 

follows him to Virginia, 13 ; difhp- 

pears,' 15. 
Ratcliff, Philip: before Privy Council, 

50 ; thought a lunatic, 56 ; promifed 

cropping of Winthrop's ears, 62, 64; 

called Faircloath, 316, 340; punifh- 
ment of, 316-8. 
Rattlefnakes, 213 ; antidotes to poifon 

of, 213, 214, n. 
Rats, 214. 
Razor-fhell, 227. 
Readings, conjectural, 105. 
Red-lead, 219. 

Reordination. {See Minifters.) 
Reproductions, flavifhnefs of, 104. 
Reynolds, Dr. John, 331, n. 
Rhadamanthus, 293, 294, 309. 
Rhode Ifland, Morton in, 86. *, 

Richmond Ifland : Walter Bagnall. at, 

200, «., 218, n. ; coins found on, ib. ; 

whetflrones at, 217 ; veffels at, 221. 
Rigby, Alexander, 84. 
Ring, ufe of, in marriage, 331. 
Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth, 

325, n . 





Running footmen, 329, «. 
Rupert, Prince, 83. 


Sables, value of, 205, n. 

Sal, Ifle of, 116, «., 117, #., 343, n. 

Salem : fuffering at, in 1629-30, 42 ; 
a doctor made at, 298 ; Dr. Fuller 
at, 299 ; Endicott holds a court at, 
306 ; ordination of minifters at, 306 ; 
Morton at, 306, 325, n. ; church of, 
abufed by Ratcliff, 317, n. ; church 
of, vilified, 317-8; ufe of Common 
Prayer at, 332, n. 

Salmon, 224. 

Salt: abundance of, in tropics, 117; 
ufe of, unknown among Indians, 
161, 175, n. ; given to them by Mor- 
ton, 161. 

Saltonftall, Sir Richard, 43 ; before 
Privy Council, 51, 61. 

Samofet, 244, n. 

Samfon, 281. 

Sanaconquam, an Indian god, 167. 

Sanderling, 191. 

Sandpiper, 191. 

Sargent, Profeflbr C. S., 182, n. 

Savage, James, cited, 30, n. 

Scallops, 227. 

Scent, acutenefs of Indian, 166. 

Sciatica, cured by raccoon greafe, 207. 

Scogan, John, 278 ; choice of, 281. 

Scotland : policy of Charles I. breaks 
down in, 78 ; troubles of 1638 in, 82. 

Scylla, 278, 280. 

Sea-ficknefs, 298. 

Sequeftration, in New Canaan, 308. 

Serat, 204. 

Sc/ick, 213. 

Shackles : poffibly Afpinwall, 319 ; 

whips Faircloath, 320; fed by Mor- 
ton, 321 ; burns Morton's houfe, 337. 
Shad, 225. 

Shakefpeare, William, 98. 
Shawmut, 12. [215-20. 

Shaler, Profeffor N. S., notes by, 
Shell-heaps : at Cotuit, 131, n. ; origin 

of, 226, n. 
Ships, number of engaged in fifheries, 

Shoals, Ifles of, 29, 289, 296, 302. 
Shrimpe, Captaine. {See Standifh.) 
Silver in New England, 220, n. 
Simpes, 191. 
Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 39, 300, «., 

325, ;/. ; called Eager, 306. 
Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, 234, n. 
Slate : in Ouincy and Weymouth, 

216, 11. ; at Richmond Ifland, 217, n. 
Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to 

the king, 196, n. 
Smelts, 225. 
Smith, John, 95; quoted, I, n., 136, 

;;., 144, ;/., 147, «., 150, n. 
Smith, Ralfe, 325, n. 
Snakes, 212. 
Snipes, 191. 
Socrates, quoted, 327. 
Solomon : fayings of, quoted, 119, 127, 

228 ; referred to, 184. 
Sommers, Will, 253. 
South Lancafter, Mafs., elks in, 200, n. 
South Sea, 239. 
"Sparke," 160. 
Sparrow-hawks, 198. 
Spruce-trees, 185. 
Squanto, 271, ;/. ; made ufe of by 

Chickatawbut, 164 ; kidnapped, 

244, n. 



Squanto's Chappel : chalkftones at, 

216; fountain at, 229. 
Squantum, 12, 216, 229; flate at, 216, 

Squidraket, Sagamore, 218, n. 
Squirrels, 2t2. 
St. Michaels, 343. 
St. Paul's Church, 298. 
Stam, Jacob Frederick, 100. 
Standifh, Miles : kills Indians at Wef- 

faguffet, 1 1 ; fent to arreft Morton, 

27 ; threatens to fhoot him, 29, 296 ; 

takes offence at Morton, in 1643, 84 ; 

at Weffaguffet, 247, «.; Captain 

Shrimpe, 285-7, 291, «., 296; a 

quondam drummer, 286 ; called 

Minos, 291, n. 
Star Chamber, court of, 35. 
Stenography, 266. 
Sterling, Earl of, 70. 
Stones, chapter on, 215-20. 
Strachey, Edward, quoted, 145, «., 

147, «., 208, «., 210, n., 215, n. 
Strafford, Earl of, 60, 74. 
Stubbs, his Anatomy of Abufes cited, 

Students of Harvard College, whipped, 

319, n. 
Sturgeon, 223. 
Styx, 293, 314. 

Swan, the, Wefton's veffel, 257, n. 
Swans, 189. 
Swift, Lindfay, quoted, 328, n., 335, «., 

345, n. 

Tantoquineo, 152. 

Tartars, fuppofed defcent of Indians 

from, 125. 
Taffell gentles, 196-7. 

Teal, kinds of, in New England, 

Temperwell, Jofhua. (See Winthrop, 

Thomfon, David : at Pifcataqua, 24 ; 
moves to Bofton Bay, 24 ; on origin 
of Indians, 128 ; authorities concern- 
ing, 128. 

"Thorough," Gorges policy, the New 
England branch of, 60, 74. 

Tin, in New England, 220. 

Titta, 148. 

Tithes, 333. 

Tornadoes, 217. 

Trade with Indians, liquor the life of, 
20, 174. (See Fire-arms.) 

Trade : profits of in New England, 32; 
regulations of Maffachufetts Com- 
pany, 39; difregarded by Morton, 
40, 306, 308. 

Trade-winds, effect of, 118. 

Traps, to take deer, 202. 

Trees : effect of burning underbrufh on, 
172; where to look for large, 172; 
of New England, 182-7. 

Triton, 281. 

Trojans, fuppofed defcent of Indians 
from the, 126-7, I2 9- 

Trout, 227. 

Trumbull, J. Hammond : on name of 
Paffonageffit, 14; notes by, on In- 
dian words, 123, 124, 137, 148, 160, 
167, 229 ; his notes to Plai)ie Deal- 
ing referred to, 322-34. 

Turbot, 225. 

Turkeys: garments made of feathers 
of, 142, 144, 11. ; hunted by Indians, 
162; wild, in New England, 192. 

Turtledoves, 180. 

Tuttle, C. W., 238, n. 

3 8o 



Univerfities, vilified in New England, 

Uttaquatock, 216. 

Venice, 281. 

Venus, 265, 315, 345. 

Vermilion, 219. 

Virgil, quoted, 217, 260, 345. 

Virginia: prices of furs in, in 1650, 205, 
11. ; wolves in, 208, u. ; corn not 
planted in, 225 ; inferiority of, to 
New England, 228, 229, u., 233, 
265 ; the '-barren doe" of, 264, 276 ; 
population of, 265 ; execution in, 


Walnut, the, 183. 

Wampum, 157-9, 301. 

Wampumpeack. (See Wampum.) 

Warham, Rev. John, 322, n., 325, n. 

Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at 
Court, 52. 

Wafhburne, John, 305, 11. 

Walford, Thomas : moves from Wefla- 
guffet to Mifhawum, 24 ; an Epif- 
copalian, 94. 

Weflaguflet : plantations at, 2, 246 ; 
Robert Gorges at, 3 ; difperfion of 
his fettlement, 4 ; Indians killed at, 
by Standi fh, II, 247, n. ; locality 
of, 12 ; reparation of fettlers at, in 
1628, 24; Morton arretted at, 27, 282, 
290, n. ; Epifcopalians, 95 ; thofe 
dwelling at, 162, n. ; mufcle-bank at, 
227 ; fkirmifli at, 247 ; the hanging 
at, 249-51 ; fettlers killed at, 253- 

4 ; Lyford at, 264 ; Morton at, in 
winter, 268; Indians compound theft 
at, 269 ; bring Bubble's things to, 
271. (See Weymouth.) 

Wefton, Andrew : comes to New Eng- 
land in Charity, 7; takes an Indian 
boy back to England, 130, n. ; date 
of his voyage, 130, n. 

Wefton, Thomas : eftablifhes a planta- 
tion at Weffaguffet, 2 ; account of, 
245-6; his men killed by Indians, 
252 ; comes to New England, 255-7 ; 
treatment of, 257-9, 261. 

Wethercock, Mr., 337, 342-3. 

Weymouth, 2 ; flate and limeftone in, 
216, //. (See Weffaguffet.) 

Whetflones, 124, 216; at Richmond 
Ifland, 217; punifhment of pillory 
and, 299, n. (See Cos.) 

Whipping-poll, 274, 319, n. 

White, William and Sufannah, 330, n. 

Whitney, Profeffor J. D., on Ifle of 
Sal and poifonous fifli, 116. 

Whitney, George, quoted, 101. 

Whittier, J. G., 155, n. 

Widgeon, 191. 

Widow, the, 323. (See Deaconefs.) 

Wiggin, Thomas : cited in regard to 
Morton, 5 ; before Privy Council, 
52 ; quoted, 320, n. 

Wigwams, defcribed, 134-8. 

Wildrake, 92. 

Williams, Edward, quoted, 182, n. 

Williams, Roger, quoted, 16, 17, 124, 
«., 125, n., I3 6 » »•» J 37, #•, H^>, «•, 
149, «., 158, «., I59> »•» l68 ' *-i T 7 T » 
n., 194, »., 202, «., 207, «., 221, »., 

232, n. 

Willis, William, 218, n. 
Wilfon, Rev. John, 325, n. 



Winnifimmet, 25, 30, »., 300, »., 301 ; 
origin of name of, 229, n. ; fountain 
at, 229, 265. 

Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, 155. 

Window, Governor Edward, 95 ; 
quoted, 16, 125, n., 140, «., 145, n., 
149, n. ; fent to England in 1634, 
64 ; fails, 65 ; reaches London, 67 ; 
petitions Lords Commiffioners, 68 ; 
put in Fleet prifon, 69, 322, n. ; 
defcribes Morton at Plymouth in 
1648, 84 ; goes on miffion to Mafia- 
foit, 136, n. ; marriage of, 330, ;/. 

Winfor, Juftin, 99. 

Winthrop, Governor John, 43, 81, 95 ; 
arrival of, in New England, 42, 310 ; 
impofes fentence on Morton, 44, 31 1 ; 
has warrant for Morton's arreft, 47, 
311 ; criticifm of, on complaint to 
Privy Council, 50 ; rejoices over 
failure of complaint, 53 ; " King 
Winthrop," 63 ; receives letter of 
Morton to Jeffreys, 65 ; Gorges re- 
fers to patience of, 80 ; excufes not 
fending out charter in 1638, 83 
on arreft of Morton in 1644, 86 
quoted, 9r, 150, n., 218, n., 230, n. 
abfence of humor in, 98; courfe 
towards Bagnall, 218, n.\ called 
Jofhua, 301 ; referred to as Tem- 
perwell, 302, 310, 314, 318, 320, 335, 
340; degrades gentry, 313; has 
Ratcliff whipped, 320 ; refponfible 
for wants of fettlement, 321 ; upon 
civil marriages, 330, n. ; on Book of 
Common Prayer, 332, n.\ methods 
of, as judge, 334-6 ; courfe towards 
Sir C. Gardiner, 340. 

"Without, them that are," 316, 321, 

Woburn : galena found in, 219; lilver 
ore, 220, n. 

Wollafton, fadls concerning name of, 
1, n. {See Mount Wollafton.) 

Wollafton, Captain: fettles at Maffa- 
chufetts, 1 ; compofition of his com- 
pany, 4; leaves Maffachufetts, 12; 
fells his fervants in Virginia, 13 ; 
tradition as to death of, 15. 

Wolves : deer perfecuted by, 203 ; 
black, value of furs of, 207, n., 
209 ; defcription of, 208-9. 

Wonder- Working Providence, quoted, 
94, 300, n. 

Wood, William, 217. 

Woodcock, 191, n. 

Woodman, "Auld," 216. 

Wood's Profpecl : quoted, 16, 95, 129, 
137, «., 138, «., 139, n., 140, «., 143, 
n., 150, 11., 160, n., 168, »., 184, ;/., 
186, «., 189, #., 191, n., 192, ;/., 198, 
71., 200, 11., 206, 71., 208, ;/., 210, n., 
213, «., 223, ft., 224, 71., 230, n., 238, 
71. ; referred to, 139, 141, 154, 172, 

l82, 71., 184, 71., 200, 71., 217, 221, 71., 

233 ; when written, 233. 
Worcefter : black-lead found in, 219, 

71. ; country of Nipnets, 240, 71. 
Wotaivqne7iange, 254. 
Wrentham, black-lead found in, 219, 71. 
Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, 298. 
Wu7ia7iu7natt, 123. 

York, Archbifliop of, 60. 

York, Maine. (See Acomenticus.) 


Zones, the : New England, how placed 
in, 115-22; Ariftotle's theory of, 117. 

Council of tl)e prince ^ocittv. 












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